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goodwill and of congratulation were published by the newspapers, but none came from the capital of the German emperor. That the reptile press organs of the old Djenghis Khan in Frederichsruhe have only words of vituperation or of raillery concerning England and her queen is quite natural. The sight of a great free people has the same effect upon Prince Bismarck as the cross or holy water has upon the prince of darkness. For the serious politician the conduct of the two emperors shows to some extent which way the wind blows, and will blow in the

future.

From The Nineteenth Century.
NELSON.1

"One never knows," wrote Catherine the Second to Grimm, "if you are living in the midst of the murders, carnage, and uproar of the den of thieves who have seized upon the government of France, and who will soon turn it into Gaul, as it was in the time of Cæsar. But Cæsar put them down! When will this Cæsar come? Oh, come he will, you need not doubt." These words were strikingly prophetic. Less than five years later a young Corsican artillery officer of twenty-six scattered the National Guards in the streets of Paris, and, having restored the waning authority of the convention, was pointed second in command of the Army of the Interior. In the following year (1796), as commander-in-chief of the Army of Italy, he defeated the Austrians, reduced the king of Sardinia to vassalage, occupied Milan, and shut up the veteran Wurmser in Mantua. "Cæsar" had come to rule the destinies of France for eighteen years, to overturn the entire system of Europe, and to prove himself the greatest

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master of the art of land warfare that the world has known.

In 1793, a British post-captain of thirty-five sailed into the Mediterranean in command of H.M.S. Agamemnon, to enter upon a career of twelve years, which ended in the hour of his most glorious victory, and won for him undying fame as the most brilliant seaman whom the greatest of maritime nations has ever produced.

As Napoleon was the highest incar nation of the power of the land and of the military aptitude of the French people, so was Nelson the supreme exponent of the power of the sea and the embodiment of the naval genius of the Anglo-Saxon race. Fate ordained that the careers of these two should violently clash, and that the vast ambitions of the one should be shattered by the untiring energy of the other. The war which began in 1793 was in effect a tremendous conflict between the forces of the land and those of the sea, each directed by a master hand, and each fed by the resources of a great nation. The apparent inequality of conditions was considerable at the outset, and later overwhelming. Conquered or overawed by the power of the land, the allies of England fell away, becoming the instruments of Napoleon's policy, till the small island State stood alone. There was no outpouring of wild enthusiasm such as carried the armies of revolutionary France from victory 10 victory; but, instead, a stern determination to uphold the cause of order and of real liberty in the face of all odds, and in spite of much real suffering. With the ultimate triumph won upon the sea, the name of Nelson will forever be associated. It is his immortal honor not only to have stepped forth as the champion of his country in the hour of dire need, but to have bequeathed to her the knowledge in which lies her only salvation.

Captain Mahan's "Life of Nelson" is far more than the story of an heroic career. It is a picture, drawn in firm Power of Great Britain. By Captain A. T. Mahan, lines by a master hand, in which the

1 Life of Nelson the Embodiment of the Sea

D.C.L.. LL.D., U. S. Navy. London: Sampson
Low, Marston & Co., 1897.

2 January 13, 1791.

significance of the events

chronicled

stands out in true proportion. Nelson's

place in history, his mission as great opponent of the spirit of aggression, of which the French Revolution was the inspiring force and Napoleon the mighty instrument, his final triumph-all are traced with infinite skill and inexorable analysis.

the least carried away by an exaggerated hero-worship. It is evident that he is profoundly impressed by the personality of the man in whom sea power found its greatest exponent; but he can be coldly-almost harshly—critical, and to the strain of human weakness, which mingled with but did not mar the closing years of Nelson's glorious career, he shows no excess of mercy. The aim "has been to make Nelson describe himself-tell the story of his own inner life as well as of his external actions," and in the main this course has been followed. If here and there the running personal comment¬ never the historical analysis-seems a little fade, and leads to unconscious repetitions, the book holds the reader from beginning to end.

At each of the momentous crises, so far removed in time and place-at the Nile, at Copenhagen, at Trafalgar-as the unfolding drama of the age reveals to the onlooker the schemes of the arch-planner about to touch success, over against Napoleon rises ever Nelson; and as the latter in the hour of victory drops from the stage when he has played so chief a part, his task is seen to be accomplished, his triumph secured. In the very act of dying he has dealt his foe a blow from which recovery is impossible. Moscow and Waterloo are the inevitable consequences of Trafalgar.

In this passage the keynote of the book rings out clearly. We knew that the author of "The Influence of Sea Power" would place before us this aspect of Nelson's career as it has never yet been presented, that no writer of the present or the past was so competent to deal with Nelson's achieve ments and to portray him as a director of war. We did not know whether the brilliant naval historian could assume the more difficult rôle of the biographer, and could unveil a living image of the man of simple yet complex nature, of impulse, yet of cold reason. In some respects, at least, Captain Ma han's success in the more delicate portion of his task is complete. He has shown the gradual training of Nelson's mind in the school of experience. He has placed beyond the reach of cavil the fact of Nelson's genius, which a recent writer ventured to question, and he has rightly claimed for that genius in its maturity a wider range than the knowledge of the sea. Like his great antagonist, Nelson was something more than a born leader of fighting men, and both owed their success as directors of war to the insight which, when associated with self-reliance and readiness to accept responsibility, is the essence of real statesmanship. Captain Mahan is, however, not in the

It is remarkable that Nelson, though almost continuously afloat from 1770 till 1783, saw no naval action during the great war of American Independence. In this period, however, the foundations of his future greatness were laid. The opportunities were few, but none were lost. As a postcaptain of twenty-two he took a leading part in the siege and capture of Fort San Juan, gaining experience to be turned to full account in after years on the coast of Corsica. Of practical seamanship he became a master. he had shown marked independence of judg ment, together with a certain restiveness under authority feebly or wrongfully wielded. In 1785, defying popu lar opinion in the West Indies, and disregarding the orders of the admiral (which relieved him of responsibility), he enforced the Navigation Laws, and after much anxiety and vexation was upheld by the Admiralty. "This struggle with Sir Richard Hughes," states Captain Mahan, "showed clearly not only the loftiness of his motives, but the distinguishing features which constituted the strength of his character both civil and military." In 1788 N-Ison returned to England with his newly-married wife, and being out of favor with the court and the Admiralty for having openly shown his friendship for the Duke of Clarence, then at

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tached to the party of the

Prince of Wales, was unable to obtain a ship. His fearless assumption of responsibility in the West Indies, and the breadth of view which he displayed, had impressed both the prime minister and Mr. Rose, the secretary of the treasury. Although, therefore, for the moment under a cloud, his strong self-reliance had already made its mark. "Even in the earlier stages of his profession," said Codrington, "his genius had soared higher, and all his energies were turned to becoming a great commander." Such men were sorely needed when, at the end of 1792, Pitt realized that war with Revolutionary France was inevitable, and on the 30th of June, 1793, Nelson was appointed to the sixty-four-gun ship Agamemnon. "The Admiralty," he wrote, "so smile upon me, that really I am as much surprised as when they frowned."

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The three years which followed form, states Captain Mahan, "the period in which expectation passed into fulfilment, when development, being arrested, resumed its outward progress under the benign influence of a favorable environment." Nelson was fairly launched on his unparalleled career. Nothing could be better than the author's treatment of the wonderful chapter of history which now opened. Here is no mere narrative of the tions of an individual, but a luminous exposition of war in which the interaction of the sea and land operations on a great scale is admirably traced. We are enabled to see the gradual establishment of law in a vast contest, which began with "no sound ideas," no vestige of a clear policy. And we can follow the rapid development of Nelson's genius maturing through rich experience, his reason correcting his impulse and his power as a director of war rising to meet the ever-increasing demands which it was called upon to meet. Fortune was now propitious. In Lord Hood, Nelson found a commander-in-chief who recognized his special capacity for "separate and responsible service." Henceforth, till the battle of the Nile, his "life presents

a series of detached commands, independent as regarded the local scene of operations," and exactly calculated to furnish the scope and the opportunities for which he craved.

The abandonment of Toulon in December, 1793, left the Mediterranean fleet without a harbor east of Gibraltar. Naval warfare in sailing days demanded the use of harbors quite as much as now when coaling stations are regarded in the light of a new requirement. Corsica, held by a French garrison, appeared to offer the necessary facilities, and on Nelson's advice, in opposition to the opinion of General Dundas, the siege of Bastia was undertaken. "If the Army will not take it," he wrote, "we must, by some way or other," and he both planned the siege and directed the operations to a successful conclusion. At this juncture a French squadron sailed from Toulon, and Admiral Hotham, commanding an equal force, fell back towards Corsica, missing a great opportunity, as Nelson instantly recognized. Hood, concentrating his fleet, was unable to bring the enemy to action, but effectually covered the siege of Calvi, where Nelson lost the use of his right eye when directing the fire of the batteries on shore, whose construction he had ad-. vised. Corsica was now "unassailable," as Captain Mahan states, so longas the sea was controlled by the British Navy; but Nelson had not as yet. realized the impossibility of over-sea operations in face of naval supremacy, and evinced traces of the same anxiety which later he felt for Sicily. In the memorable action of the Agamemnon and Ca Ira on the 13th of May, 1795— his first sea fight-Nelson unmistakably showed "the spirit which takes a man to the front, not merely in battle but at all times." The difference between his bold initiative on this day and the decision instantly acted upon at St. Vincent was only one of degree. So also when, on the following day, Hotham rested satisfied with a temporary advantage, Nelson pleaded for a pursuit of Martin's fleet. There was risk, as the author shows, but in the circum

stances it was a risk which ought to have been accepted. On the 13th of July, another chance presented itself to Hotham, but the signal for a general chase was delayed "pending certain drill-ground manoeuvres," and the French lost only one ship. This naval campaign, successful only in the sense that captures were made, supplied object lessons which Nelson took to heart. The French fleet was not crip pled, and Captain Mahan, who in some passages seems to question the deterrent effect of a fleet "in being," re marks: "How keep the fleet on the Italian coast, while the French fleet remained in Toulon? What a curb it was appeared again in the next campaign, and even more clearly, because the British were then commanded by Sir John Jervis, a man not to be checked by ordinary obstacles." Controversy has raged over this point, and unfortunately the disputants will each be able to claim the author as an ally. The inconsistency is perhaps more apparent than real, for the records of naval war conclusively show that an effective fleet-a fleet at sea or ready to sail and handled by fighting seamen-is a most powerful deterrent to naval operations, and especially to the over-sea transport of military forces.

In the chapters dealing with Nelson's proceedings on the Riviera in 1795 and 1796 Captain Mahan discusses with much ability the possibilities of bringing sea power to bear on the land campaign. Nelson's plan for landing five thousand men at San Remo on the French line of communications with Nice was not justified under the existing conditions. It was eminently characteristic of his marked capacity for seizing upon the decisive factor in a given situation; but "his accurate instinct that war cannot be made without running risks combined with his lack of experience in the difficulties of land operations to mislead his judgment in this particular instance." Napoleon was now launched on a full tide of victory; Spain declared war; Corsica was in rebellion; on the 25th of September, 1796, orders were sent to Jar

vis to quit the Mediterranean. By Nelson this decision was bitterly resented. "I lament our present orders in sackcloth and ashes, so dishonorable to the dignity of England." His earlier view had changed, and, realizing all that the evacuation implied, his mind dwelt upon the advantages of a bold offensive on the sea. "The fleets of England are equal to meet the world in arms." The defection of Admiral Man, however, left Jervis in a position of great numerical inferiority. The fleet in being, already a heavy "curb," now amounted, with the addition of the Spanish squadron, to thirty-four sail of the line. It was natural that the British government should consider the odds too great.

points which

To Nelson these three years were of the utmost importance. His mind, continually occupied in solving naval problems, in forecasting events, and in studying the European situation, underwent rapid development. His exploits on a minor stage had been remarkable, and, as Captain Mahan justly out, the brilliant achievements followed ought not to be permitted to obscure "the long antecedent period of unswerving continuance in strenuous action, allowing no flagging of earnestness for a moment to appear, no chance for service, however small or distant, to pass unimproved." It is the great merit of the author to have thrown a strong light upon this period, far less dramatic than that which followed, but essential to a right understanding of the secret of Nelson's transcendent success as a naval commander.

Sent back into the Mediterranean with two frigates to evacuate Elba. Nelson accomplished his task; and after fighting two actions, escaping his pursuers by an act of splendid daring, and sailing through a night in company with the Spanish fleet, he joined Jervis the day before the battle of St. Vincent. The well-known story is lucidly retold, and the diagrams enable the unprofessional reader to grasp the situation. The British fleet in single column was tacking in succession to follow the Spanish main body, when the great

chance presented itself to the captains of the rear ships to choose the chord instead of the arc, throw over the formal movement, wear out of line, and head off the enemy. Nelson instantly seized this chance and determined the course of the battle, arresting the Spanish movement, and boarding the San Nicolas and San Josef. There was risk of being overwhelmed before support could arrive; there was the further risk which attached to an act undertaken without authority and in defiance of an ordered evolution; but Captain Mahan justly considers that in any case Nelson would have been upheld by an admiral "who had just fought twentyseven ships of the line with fifteen, because "a victory was essential to England at that moment."

To this signal success quickly followed a "sharp reverse" in the failure of the attack on Santa Cruz. This was essentially a task in which military forces ought to have been employed, as Nelson originally proposed, and the lesson is important. The loss of his right arm and the months of suffering which followed brought temporary despondency, which disappeared when at length the wound healed. On the 10th of April Nelson sailed in the Vanguard to join the fleet under St. Vincent, and to enter upon what Captain Mahan regards as the second period of his career. "Before him was now to open a field of possibilities hitherto unexampled in naval warfare; and for the appreciation of them was needed just those perceptions, intuitive in origin, yet resting firmly on well-ordered, rational processes which, on the intellectual side, distinguished him above all other British seamen."

ure was correctly conceived, and Nelson was the instrument selected by the Cabinet to carry it out.

With the greatest skill Captain Mahan retells the story of the famous chase from the 7th of June to the memorable 1st of August. We are made to share Nelson's anxieties and difficulties, to follow the workings of his mind, and to realize the inflexible steadiness of purpose which at length led him to the goal. Neither England nor Nelson himself at first recognized the tremendous importance of the battle of the Nile. French designs in Egypt and in the Far East were checkmated; Minorca fell; the fate of Malta was decided; and a new alliance, joined by Russia and Turkey, was arrayed against the forces of the Revolution. Meanwhile Nelson, severely wounded and suffering greatly, sailed for Naples to meet his fate and Lady Hamilton, who from this period till the hour of his death dominated his affections.

No biographer can ignore the influence which this woman henceforth exercised over the hero's private life. The later breach with his wife, and the intimacy which he publicly avowed, have rendered the discussion of this phase of his career inevitable. The name of Lady Hamilton must always be associated with that of Nel

son.

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It was, however, the manner and not the fact of his liaison that imposes upon the biographer the duty of transferring it to his pages. The lives of many other great men-lives grossly impure compared with that of Nelson's-escape this form of investigation. We do not, in their case, pause The political situation demanded the to inquire how far some woman's iaresumption of a naval offensive in the fluence may have swayed their Mediterranean, where a great French tions, or seek to frame theories of their expedition was known to be preparing. moral deterioration. Captain Mahan "If," wrote Lord Spencer to St. appears to forget that the special cirVincent, "by our appearance in the cumstances which invested Nelson's Mediterranean, we can encourage Aus- human weakness with inevitable pubtria to come forward again, it is in the licity constitute a strong plea against highest degree probable that the other exaggeration of treatment. Nelson powers will seize the opportunity of lived forty-seven years, into less than acting at the same time." The meas- seven of which Lady Hamilton enters.

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