the rest, with the exception of not quite one million of Italians and Roumanians, are of Slavonic descent though separated into different nationalities. After the battle of Sadowa, Austria ceased to belong to Germany (of course, the German empire did not then exist; the word Germany is therefore not used in its present sense), and Hungary obtained again its ancient constitution, with all its liberties. The dual system was introduced into the monarchy, and the kingdom of Hungary became a separate possession of the crown of the Hapsburg monarch. Whenever the expression Austria is used in this article, the word is understood in its narrower constitutional sense, meaning Cisleithania in contradistinction to the kingdom of Hungary. The constitutional war in Austria has already lasted for over thirty years (as a matter of fact since 1860). The Cisleithanian Germans in Parliament, as well as in the local diets, cannot, or will not, give up the pretension that they ought to be the dominant race in the State, not only prima inter pares, but princeps; the nationality, paramount above all others, to which alone the hegemony, if not all the power, ought to belong. Of course the Slavs have never acknowledged this pretension of the Germans in Austria; they have always declined to be considered the pariahs of the empire, and maintained that, according to the very fundamental idea of an Austrian realm, its nationalities ought to be on an equal level, and ought to possess the same rights and privileges; that the Slavs ought not to be considered as belonging to an inferior class of subjects, a kind second-rate citizens under the domination of their German fellow subjects. Such a "Germanization," the Slavs declared, was the idea of the former absolutist method of Austrian government, but could not be tolerated under a constitutional régime, when equality of rights was promised and guaranteed to all nationalities. And experience proved, they said, that such an attempted "Germanization" in Austria was always incompatible with liberty. of When, after 1848, the revolutionary movement had been suppressed, the Viennese German lawyer, Bach, became the leading member of the new "reactionary" Austrian Cabinet. No measure of repression was severe enough for this tyrant. He invented, or at least promulgated, for the purpose of punishing the Hungarians, the so-called theory of forfeiture; that means to say, the Hungarians were deprived of their ancient constitution, of all their former political rights and privileges, because they had risen en masse against the violation of their Magna Charta. The whole structure of Hungarian public law was cut down with one stroke of an Austrian pen in a German hand. All the old landmarks disappeared; Hungary was divided into five Austrian provinces, with German satraps (called Bach-Huszaren) at their head. The Hungarian language was proscribed; German became the official language; all former Hungarian laws, private as well as public, were abolished, and the Austrian codes were introduced. Nothing Hungarian was to remain; nothing should remind the people of their old kingdom, or its former laws, customs, or institutions. A ubiquitous police, recruited in and sent to the conquered country by Bach from Austria, for the purpose of spying into every house, into every town of Hungary; a tyrannical gendarmerie with strict orders to shoot at sight on the first suspicion of a word of dissatisfaction; suppression of newspapers and books; these were the blessings of the Austro-German system. And when this despotic, centralized method of governing the whole empire ueber denselben Leisten on one last) had succumbed on the battlefields of Magenta and Solferino, and a crude and openly absolutist system, under the joint despotism of crozier and sword, no longer appeared feasible, it was again the leader of the German party, Ritter von Schmerling, who introduced a system of sham constitutionalism for Austria as well as for Hungary. No real liberty to the people, only makebelieve liberal ordinances. The AustroGerman official mind seemed to be in capable of the idea of true liberty. The so-called Liberal legislation of 1860 and 1861 consisted of sham constitutional decrees, which merely meant the supremacy of the German element in Austria over all the rest-a kind of constitutional Schmerling Hussar instead of the former Bach Hussar for Hungary. But the Hungarians remained sullen in passive resistance, and the Slav portions of the monarchy declared openly their dissatisfaction with the bogus Parliament in Vienna, which they called the Schmerling Theater, and to which they refused to be elected. Schmerling defiantly declared, "We (the German party in Austria) can wait," meaning, of course, that the Hungarians and the other dissatisfied elements would become pliable, and would, after all, crowd into his theatre. But they did not come. Instead of them Sadowa came, the break-up of the old Austrian monarchy, and-bitter irony of history -the expulsion of the Germans of Austria from the Germany of the Ger mans. Austria had then reached its lowest depths politically and financially. The first financial step of the government, under the tuition of the German party, was a partial repudiation of the national debt, or at least a reduction of the interest, which practically came to the same thing, and which closed to them the London Stock Exchange as well as the London Money Market. After some years the credit of Austria began to rise again, and the price of Austrian Rente went up gradually and continually; but this happened when the German party was not any longer at the head of the government. Schreien hilft nichts; Thatsachen beweisen, says a German proverb. The leaders of the German party may boast as much as they like in their organs or in Parliament; the fact cannot be gainsaid, that it was only in the premiership of Count Taaffe, who entirely emancipated himself from the German party, and under finance ministers, who did not and do not at present belong to, that party, that Austrian Rentes commenced their upward movement and reached their highest quota tion, whereas the Germans had brought them to their lowest depth. A former Austrian cabinet minister, one of the shrewdest of men, a great lawyer and statesman, who once acted as arbitrator in an international difficulty between England and a South American State, said to me, about twenty years ago: "In any quarrel between Francis Joseph and Friedlander (the first editor of the Vienna Neue Freie Presse) I would always back Francis Joseph." Now, this minister is really a Liberal, an enlightened Liberal, even according to English advanced ideas. But he clearly saw that the Liberal German party, with its dogmatic "omclaims niscence" and to Allein seligmachen, the unpractical, professional, and dictatorial tone of its leading paper, its pretence of being alone able and authorized to understand and interpret the Constitution, and to be the only constitutional party in the empire, could not in the long run remain a governing party, or even a dominant party, in an empire which consists of so many nationalities and races. The German party have been for many years at the helm of affairs in Austria. They tried to "bully" all the other nationalities, and to create the belief in the mind of the emperor that, of all the races of the empire, they were the only loyal Austrians. But this trick also was found out. The fact that after the publication of Bismarck's secret Germano-Russo treaty, which constituted clearly a betrayal of his Austrian ally, the leading German newspaper in Vienna became the mouthpiece of Prince Bismarck, coneributed a great deal to open the eyes of the emperor. A political party in Austria, whose rule of conduct was, if not entirely directed, at least certainly prompted from Friedrichsruh, could not be the party into whose hands the Austrian emperor might safely put the guidance of the ship of State. The Emperor Francis Joseph is, before everything, an Austrian and a gentleman, and he certainly cannot forget the treaty which was concluded behind his back by Prince Bismarck with Russia. After all, the only really dangerous enemy of Austria is Russia; and it was apparently in order to counterbalance that danger that Bismarck had induced the Austrian emperor to conclude the treaty with Germany in 1879. And suddenly it came to light that that treaty was, in fact, no guaranty, no defence, no protection at all. This duplicity of the German chancellor gave a great shock to the Emperor Francis Joseph; and it cannot surprise anybody that, from the moment when he became aware of the secret treaty with Russia, he would not trust a political party which still continued to look to the author of that treaty as their guiding star and as the director of their home politics. What could the emperor think of a political party in his realm whose patriotism was not love for their country, irrespective of the political color of the government of the day, with which they did not happen to agree, but a mere lip patriotism, the principle of which consisted in the thought within their innermost heart, "We will remain in existence somewhere else, even if our country should no longer be in existence"? The German party in the Austrian Parliament continually reproached the Czechs and other Slav nationalities in Austria with a secret hankering for Russia, with gravitating toward Moscow. The Slavs always spurned that accusation; all they wanted was to be able to maintain their respective nationalities. It was ridiculous, they argued, to accuse the Poles or Ruthenians of a secret love for Russia, their greatest and most cruel enemy. And now that the Bohemian Slavs (Czechs) are politically united with the Poles and other Slav nationalities in Austria, there is not the slightest danger nor the slightest reason for the accusation, or even suspicion, that the Slavs in Austria gravitate towards Russia. What they particularly object to is to be Germanized. Germanization in Austria, they maintain, always means and always did mean, as experience proves, a return to absolutism and a denial of popular rights. From an English point of view, and according to English experience, this assertion of the Slavs in Austria certainly seems to be correct. Whether under Palmerston or under Gladstone, whatever Liberal government was at the head of affairs in England, Austria, governed by ministers of German nationality from Metternich's time onward, was always in good spirits when the Liberals in England went out of office. Though perhaps somewhat antiquated, the following extract from a despatch of Prince Metternich to the Austrian Chargé d'Affaires in London, dated November 29, 1834, will show how fully aware Lord Palmerston was of that fact. Metternich writes: The same day on which I received your report of November 15, Mr. Strangway received a note from Lord Palmerston. dated the sixteenth, which he permitted me to read. Its contents are, as nearly as possible, as follows: We are out; the Duke of Wellington is Prime Minister, and entrusted with the formation of the Cabinet; to-morrow we shall give up the seals into the King's hands. I have no time to tell you more, occupied as I am with putting my affairs in order. Ever yours, etc. P. S. Lose no time in taking this note to Prince Metternich. I am convinced he will never in his life have been more overjoyed than when he reads it, and that I shall never have seemed so agreeable to him as now that I am bidding him Goodbye! I know very well, that at that time Austria was an absolute monarchy, whereas to-day it possesses a constitutional government. But the fact nevertheless remains, that the paramount influence of the German element in Austria even after 1848 boded no good for the cause of liberty. The German party in Austria claim a monopoly of the love of liberty. Nothing could be further from the truth. They pretend that without their help the whole machinery of the government of the empire would stop. The Germans in Austria have no right to demand a paramount position over and above all the other races of the empire. They are not numerically a majority; they have never yet shown any remarkable political tact, like the Magyars, nor can they boast of success in guiding the destinies of the empire. the German emperor and the German nation to their help; they even held party meetings in Germany, and commenced a "Germania irredenta" agitation. They and the whole German party, who formerly could not find vituperative words enough to hurl against the members of the Slav nationalities, when they tried to obstruct the proceedings in Parliament, now themselves obstructed with such violence that the session had to be closed because no business could be done. At the time when the influence of the high hand, they began to threaten to call German element was supreme in Austria, when the other races were considered and treated as Helots, when the German language alone was permitted as the official language, the unfortunate wars of 1859 and of 1866 took place. The Magyars under Marie Theresa-be the cry, "Moriamur pro rege nostro Maria Theresia," historically correct or not-had at least to some extent saved the monarchy. The Germans, who were all-powerful in Austria during the two last wars, could not avert Solferino nor Sadowa. And since the great events of 1870 the dangers of Austria have increased in an extraordinary manner. It would be incorrect and unjust to accuse the whole German party in Austria of want of loyalty towards their emperor, of "hankering" for Germany, or gravitating towards Berlin. But it cannot be denied that a portion of the German party, including some of its leaders, make no secret of such a desire. As early as 1878 a member of the German party openly declared in the Austrian Parliament that daily the cry became louder in some of the German provinces of Austria, "If only we belonged already to the German Empire." And what was the cause of that treasonable cry? It was that the Cabinet of the day did not obey in all things and in everything the behest of the German party in the Austrian Parliament; because the government had consented to the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, after all, they had to do, according to the mandate of the great European powers. You call that patriotism? cried a Slav deputy in the Austrian Parliament. A threat, a wish to secede from the empire, because the government of the day happens on one question to have a different opinion from your own. As far as my knowledge of the German language goes, "I should call it by quite a different name." And lately we have seen more sensational performances on the part of that extreme wing of the German party. As soon as they found that they could not carry everything before them with a VOL. XV. 769 LIVING AGE. The political situation in Austria is serious, and might even become dangerous. There is a complete parliamentary deadlock, as far as Cisleithania is concerned; the strife between the different races and nationalities is more violent than ever. The German party are apparently irreconcilable, and their opponents are equally firm, and determined not to yield. The decree requiring the members of the Civil Service in Bohemia to know the Bohemian language is only the first appearance of a flame; there is fuel enough for any number of conflagrations. The details, however, of all the different national, racial, and religious difficulties in Austria cannot interest, nor would they be understood by a foreigner. Of To these internal questions must be added the problems of foreign politics, which are not less delicate, not less difficult, and not less dangerous. They concern not only Austria (in the narrower sense of the word), but the whole Austro-Hungarian monarchy. course the Triple Alliance is still in existence; but Italy may be left out of the reckoning, as far as the real difficulties of Austria's foreign policy are concerned. The choice lies between the neighbor on the north-east and the power to the north-west of the Hapsburg monarchy, between Russia and Germany. As to the degree of reliance that can be placed on some treaties of alliance, the famous, or rather infamous, treaty of neutrality which was concluded by Prince Bismarck between Germany and Russia behind the back of Austria can have left no doubt in the mind of the Emperor Francis Joseph. A rapprochement between Austria and Russia, a closer understanding between these two powers, seems therefore the most natural and sensible step on the part of Austria. The language of the organs of Prince Bismarck concerning this entente cannot surprise anybody. They seem to be inclined to cry "quits" now, and try to compare this AustroRussian treaty with the German-Russian neutrality treaty. But the AustroRussian entente has absolutely nothing in common with that Bismarck treaty. The latter was signed behind the back of Austria, Germany's loyal ally; whereas the Austro-Russian rapprochement was effected openly, in broad daylight, and to all appearance with the full knowledge of Germany. Besides, the agreement arrived at between AustroHungary and Russia does not in any way directly affect the interests or policy of Germany, whereas Bismarck's secret treaty most seriously touched the interests of Austro-Hungary. The crisis which the German party in Austria has lately brought about, shows clearly one of the great dangers which threaten the peace and, perhaps, the existence of Austria. Even the question of the Austro-Hungarian compromise, a matter which recurs every ten years, is at the present moment less threatening, and not so burning and acute as the seemingly irreconcilable difficulty between the Germans and the Slavs in Austria. Cabinet ministers, mere politicians, or party leaders cannot do anything to make a durable peace between the jarring and warring parties. Only a few days ago they showed themselves incapable of effecting a short truce. The Emperor Francis Joseph alone can in some degree bring order into this chaos; for he is trusted by all parties; he is looked upon as the incarnation of honesty and good faith, and his word is implicitly believed. What the emperor intends to do is, up to this moment, a secret to everybody; but whatever his proposals may be, it cannot be doubted that they will restore peace, at least for some time, at all events during his lifetime. This is all very well, as far as it goes, for Austria and for the peace of Europe. But what will happen when, in the course of time, Francis Joseph will be succeeded by a monarch who has not the vast experience nor the extraordinary popularity of the present emperor? That is the question. To put it in one short sentence: the peace of Europe, the question whether Austro-Hungary can and will continue to exist in its present form and shape, depend on one life. And therein lies the danger of the situation for Europe as much as for the Hapsburg monarchy. How will things go on in Austria when there will be nobody who commands universal respect, and to whose will all parties in the empire finally give way? Should the Germans then tend towards the north-west and the Slavs to the north-east, with nobody in power to prevent this double centrifugal motion, a general conflagration and a general European war would be unavoidable. And for this reason the present bickerings between the German party and the Slavs in the Austrian Parliament, unimportant as they may appear to be at a superficial glance, possess the greatest importance, the most serious significance for Englishmen, as well as for the citizens of all the other European countries. AUSTRIACUS. P. S.-The great demonstration made by the Emperor Francis Joseph, in paying a long visit to the English ambassador in Vienna on the occasion of the Jubilee, is a step unprecedented in Austria, where the rigid Spanish court etiquette of the Middle Ages still holds good. In contrast to this friendly behavior is that of the German emperor, the eldest grandchild of the queen, who incredible as it may appear-neither held a review in her honor, nor attended a church service, nor paid a visit to the British ambassador, nor even sent a telegram to his grandmother. During the last few days it has appeared as if Berlin had been wiped out by an earthquake from the face of this planet. From all parts of the world messages of |