religion, and the benefices swallowed up in impropriations, did, by decree in the duchy, erect four stipends of 100l. per annum apiece for preachers well chosen to help the harvest, which have done a great deal of good in the parts where they have laboured. Neither do there want other corners in the realm, that would require for a time the like extraordinary help. Thus have I briefly delivered unto your ma jesty mine opinion touching the employment of this charity; whereby that mass of wealth, which was in the owner little better than a stack or heap of muck, may be spread over your kingdom to many fruitful purposes; your majesty planting and watering, and God giving the increase. CERTAIN OBSERVATIONS UPON A LIBEL PUBLISHED THIS PRESENT YEAR, 1592, ENTITLED A DECLARATION OF THE TRUE CAUSES OF THE GREAT TROUBLES PRESUPPOSED TO BE INTENDED AGAINST THE REALM OF ENGLAND. IT were just and honourable for princes being | kind of proceeding, it will be found, that in the in wars together, that howsoever they prosecute whole course of her majesty's proceeding with their quarrels and debates by arms and acts of the King of Spain, since the amity interrupted, hostility; yea, though the wars be such, as they there was never any project by her majesty, or pretend the utter ruin and overthrow of the forces any of her ministers, either moved or assented and states one of another, yet they so limit their unto, for the taking away of the life of the said passions as they preserve two things sacred and king: neither hath there been any declaration or inviolable; that is, the life and good name each writing of estate, no, nor book allowed, wherein of other. For the wars are no massacres and con- his honour hath been touched or taxed, otherwise fusions; but they are the highest trials of right; than for his ambition; a point which is neceswhen princes and states, that acknowledge no sarily interlaced with her majesty's own justifisuperior upon earth, shall put themselves upon cation. So that no man needeth to doubt but the justice of God for the deciding of their contro- that those wars are grounded, upon her majesty's versies by such success, as it shall please him to part, upon just and honourable causes, which give on either side. And as in the process of have so just and honourable a prosecution; conparticular pleas between private men, all things sidering it is a much harder matter when a prince ought to be ordered by the rules of civil laws; so is entered into wars to hold respect then, and not in the proceedings of the war nothing ought to be to be transported with passion, than to make done against the law of nations, or the law of moderate and just resolutions in the beginnings. honour; which laws have ever pronounced these two sorts of men, the one, conspirators against the persons of princes; the other, libellers against their good fame; to be such enemies of common society as are not to be cherished, no, not by enemies. For in the examples of times which were less corrupted, we find that when, in the greatest heats and extremities of wars, there have been made offers of murderous and traitorous attempts against the person of a prince to the enemy, they have been not only rejected, but also revealed: and in like manner, when dishonourable mention hath been made of a prince before an enemy prince, by some that have thought therein to please his humour, he hath showed himself, contrariwise, utterly distasted therewith, and been eady to contest for the honour of an enemy. According to which noble and magnanimous But now if a man look on the other part, it will appear that, rather, as it is to be thought, by the solicitation of traitorous subjects, which is the only poison and corruption of all honourable war between foreigners, or by the presumption of his agents and ministers, than by the proper inclination of that king, there hath been, if not plotted and practised, yet at the least comforted, conspiracies against her majesty's sacred person: which, nevertheless, God's goodness hath used and turned, to show by such miraculous discoveries, into how near and precious care and custody it hath pleased him to receive her majesty's life and preservation. But in the other point it is strange what a number of libellous and defamatory books and writings, and in what variety, with what art and cunning handled, have been allowed to pass through against her majesty do best satisfy the malice of the foreigner, so the slander and calumniation of her principal counsellors agreed best with the humours of some malcontents within the realm; imagining also, that it was like they should be more scattered here, and freelier dispersed; and also should be less odious to those foreigners which were not merely partial and passionate, who have for the most part in detestation the traitorous libellings of subjects directly against their natural prince. the world in all languages against her majesty and her government; sometimes pretending the gravity and authority of church stories to move belief; sometimes formed into remonstrances and advertisements of estate to move regard; sometimes presented as it were in tragedies of the persecutions of Catholics to move pity; sometimes contrived into pleasant pasquils and satires to move sport: so as there is no shape whereinto these fellows have not transformed themselves; nor no humour nor affection in the mind of man to which they have not applied themselves; Amongst the rest in this kind, there hath been thereby to insinuate their untruths and abuses to published this present year of 1592, a libel that the world. And, indeed, let a man look into giveth place to none of the rest in malice and them, and he shall find them the only triumphant untruths; though inferior to most of them in lies that ever were confuted by circumstances penning and style; the author having chosen the of time and place; confuted by contrariety in vein of a Lucianist, and yet being a counterfeit themselves, confuted by the witness of infinite even in that kind. This libel is entitled, “A persons that live yet, and have had particular declaration of the true causes of the great trouknowledge of the matters; but yet avouched bles presupposed to be intended against the realm with such asseveration, as if either they were of England;" and hath a semblance as if it were fallen into that strange disease of the mind, bent against the doings of her majesty's ancient which a wise writer describeth in these words, “fingunt simul creduntque;" or as if they had received it as a principal precept and ordinance of their seminaries, "audacter calumniari, semper aliquid hæret;" or as if they were of the race which in old time were wont to help themselves with miraculous lies. But when the cause of this is entered into, namely, that there passeth over out of this realm, a number of eager and unquiet scholars, whom their own turbulent and humourous nature presseth out to seek their adventures abroad; and that, on the other side, they are nourished rather in listening after news and intelligences, and in whisperings, than in any commendable learning; and after a time, when either their necessitous estate, or their ambitious appetites importune them, they fall on devising how to do some acceptable service to that side which maintaineth them; so as ever when their credit waxeth cold with foreign princes, or that their pensions are ill paid, or some preferment is in sight at which they level, straightways out cometh a libel, pretending thereby to keep in life the party, which within the realm is contrary to the state, wherein they are as wise as he that thinketh to kindle a fire by blowing the dead ashes, when, I say, a man looketh into the cause and ground of this plentiful yield of libels, he will cease to marvel, considering the concurrence which is, as well in the nature of the seed, as in the travel of tilling and dressing; yea, and in the fitness of the season for the bringing up of those infectious weeds. and worthy counsellor, the Lord Burleigh; whose carefulness and pains her majesty hath used in her counsels and actions of this realm for these thirty-four years' space, in all dangerous times, and amidst many and mighty practices; and with such success as our enemies are put still to their paper-shot of such libels as these; the memory of whom will remain in this land, when all these libels shall be extinct and forgotten; according to the Scripture, "Memoria justi cum laudibus, at impiorum nomen putrescet." But it is more than evident, by the parts of the same book, that the author's malice was to her majesty and her government, as may especially appear in this, that he charged not his lordship with any particular actions of his private life, such power had truth, whereas the libels made against other counsellors have principally insisted upon that part: but hath only wrested and detorted such actions of state, as in times of his service have been managed; and, depraving them, hath ascribed and imputed to him the effects that have followed; indeed, to the good of the realm, and the honour of her majesty, though sometimes to the provoking of the malice, but abridging of the power and means of desperate and incorrigible subjects. All which slanders, as his lordship might justly despise, both for their manifest untruths, and for the baseness and obscurity of the author; so, nevertheless, according to the moderation which his lordship useth in all things, never claiming the privilege of his authority, when it is question of satisfying the world, he hath been But to verify the saying of our Saviour, "non content that they be not passed over altogether in est discipulus super magistrum;" as they have silence; whereupon I have, in particular duty to sought to deprave her majesty's government in his lordship, amongst others that do honour and herself, so have they not forgotten to do the same love his lordship, and that have diligently observed in her principal servants and counsellors; think- his actions, and in zeal of truth, collected, upon ing, belike, that as the immediate invectives the reading of the said libel, certain observations not in form of a just answer, lest I should fall | low cared not to be counted a liar by all English, into the error whereof Solomon speaketh thus, "Answer not a fool in his own kind, lest thou also be like him;" but only to discover the malice, and to reprove and convict the untruths thereof. The points, that I have observed upon the reading of this libel, are these following: I. Of the scope or drift of the libeller. II. Of the present estate of this realm of England, whether it may be truly vouched to be prosperous or afflicted. upon price of deceiving of Spain and Italy; for it must be understood, that it hath been the general practice of this kind of men many years, of the one side, to abuse the foreign estates, by making them believe that all is out of joint and ruinous here in England, and that there is great part ready to join with the invader; and on the other side, to make the evil subjects of England believe of great preparations abroad, and in great readiness to be put in act, and so to deceive on both sides: and this I take to be his principal drift. So, again, it is an extravagant and incredible conceit, to imagine that all the conclusions and actions of estate which have passed during her majesty's reign, should be ascribed to one counsellor alone; and to such a one as was never noted for an imperious or overruling man; and to say, that though he carried them not by violence, yet he compassed them by device, there is no man of judgment that looketh into the naVI. Certain true general notes upon the actions ture of these times, but will easily descry that of the Lord Burleigh. III. Of the proceedings against the pretended Catholics, whether they have been violent, or moderate, and necessary. IV. Of the disturbance of the quiet of Christendom, and to what causes it may be justly imputed. V. Of the cunning of the libeller, in palliation of his malicious invective against her majesty and the state, with pretence of taxing only the actions of the Lord Burleigh. the wits of these days are too much refined for VII. Of divers particular untruths and abuses any man to walk invisible, or to make all the dispersed through the libel. VIII. Of the height of impudency that these men are grown into, in publishing and avouching untruths; with a particular recital of some of them for an essay. 1. Of the scope or drift of the libeller. world his instruments; and, therefore, no, not in this point assuredly, the libeller spake as he thought; but this he foresaw, that the imputation of cunning doth breed suspicion, and the imputation of greatness and sway doth breed envy; and therefore finding where he was most wrong, and by whose policy and experience their plots were most crossed, the mark he shot at was to see whether he could heave at his lordship's authority, by making him suspected to the queen, or generally odious to the realm; knowing well enough for the one point, that there are not only jealousies, but certain revolutions in princes' minds: so that it is a rare virtue in the rarest princes to continue constant to the end in their favours and employments. And knowing for the other point, that envy ever accompanieth great lordship hath always marched a round and a real course in service; and as he hath not moved envy by pomp and ostentation, so hath he never extinguished it by any popular or insinuative carriage of himself; and this no doubt was his second drift. It is good advice, in dealing with cautelous and malicious persons, whose speech is ever at distance with their meanings, "non quid dixerint, sed quo spectarint, videndum :" a man is not to regard what they affirm, or what they hold; but what they would convey under their pretended discovery, and what turn they would serve. It soundeth strangely in the ears of an Englishman, that the miseries of the present state of England exceed them of former times whatsoever. One would straightway think with himself, doth thisness, though never so well deserved: and that his man believe what he saith? Or, not believing it, doth he think it possible to make us believe it? Surely, in my conceit, neither of both; but his end, no doubt, was to round the pope and the King of Spain in the ear, by seeming to tell a tale to the people of England. For such books are ever wont to be translated into divers languages; and, no doubt, the man was not so simple as to think he could persuade the people of England the contrary of what they taste and feel. But he thought he might better abuse the states abroad, if he directed his speech to them who could best convict him, and disprove him if he said untrue; so that, as Livy saith in the like case, "Ætolos magis, coram quibus verba fa- Lastly, lest, while I discover the cunning and cerent, quam ad quos, pensi habere;" That the art of this fellow, I should make him wiser than Ætolians, in their tale, did more respect those he was, I think a great part of this book was who did overhear them, than those to whom they passion; "difficile est tacere, cum doleas." The directed their speech: so in this manner this fel-humours of these men being of themselves eager A third drift was, to assay if he could supplant and weaken, by this violent kind of libelling, and turning the whole imputation upon his lordship, his resolution and courage; and to make him proceed more cautelously, and not so thoroughly and strongly against them, knowing his lordship to be a politic man, and one that hath a great stake to lose. and fierce, have, by the abort and blasting of their | barons' war, to reign with security and contentahopes, been blinded and enraged. And surely tion. King Henry I. also had unnatural wars this book is, of all that sort that have been written, of the meanest workmanship; being fraught ed with sundry base scoffs, and cold amplifications, and other characters of despite; but void of all judgment or ornament. II. Of the present estate of this realm of England, whether it may be truly avouched to be prosperous or afflicted. The benefits of almighty God upon this land, since the time that in his singular providence he led as it were by the hand, and placed in the kingdom, his servant our queen, Elizabeth, are such as, not in boasting, or in confidence of ourselves, but in praise of his holy name, are worthy to be both considered and confessed, yea, and registered in perpetual memory: notwithstanding, I mean not after the manner of a panegyric to extol the present time: it shall suffice only that those men, that through the gall and bitterness of their own heart have lost their taste and judgment, and would deprive God of his glory, and us of our senses, in affirming our condition to be miserable, and full of tokens of the wrath and indignation of God, be reproved. If, then, it be true, that "nemo est miser, aut felix, nisi comparatus;" whether we shall, keeping ourselves within the compass of our own island, look into the memories of times past, or at this present time take a view of other states abroad in Europe, we shall find that we need not give place to the happiness either of ancestors or neighbours. For if a man weigh well all the parts of state and religion, laws, administration of justice, policy of government, manners, civility, learning and liberal sciences, industry and manual arts, arms and provisions of wars for sea and land, treasure, traffic, improvement of the soil, population, honour and reputation, it will appear that, taking one part with another, the state of this nation was never more flourishing. It is easy to call to remembrance, out of histories, the kings of England which have in more ancient times enjoyed greatest happiness; besides her majesty's father and grandfather, that reigned in rare felicity, as is fresh in memory. They have been King Henry I., King Henry II., King Henry III., King Edward I., King Edward III., King Henry V. All which have been princes of royal virtue, great felicity, and famous memory. But it may be truly affirmed, without derogation to any of these worthy princes, that whatsoever we find in libels, there is not to be found in the English chronicles, a king that hath, in all respects laid together, reigned with such felicity as her majesty hath done. For as for the first three Henrys, the first came in too soon after a conquest; the second too soon after an usurpation; and the third too soon after a league, or with his brother Robert, wherein much nobility was consumed: he had therewithal tedious wars in Wales; and was not without some other seditions and troubles; as, namely, the great contestation of his prelates. King Henry II., his happiness was much deformed by the revolt of his son Henry, after he had associated him, and of his other sons. King Henry III., besides his continual wars in Wales, was, after forty-four years' reign, unquieted with intricate commotions of his barons; as may appear by the mad parliament held at Oxford, and the acts thereupon ensuing. His son Edward I. had a more flourishing time than any of the other; came to his kingdom at ripe years, and with great reputation, after his voyage into the Holy Land, and was much loved and obeyed, contrived his wars with great judg ment; first having reclaimed Wales to a settled allegiance, and being upon the point of uniting Scotland. But yet I suppose it was more honour for her majesty to have so important a piece of Scotland in her hand, and the same with such justice to render up, than it was for that worthy king to have advanced in such forwardness the conquest of that nation. And for King Edward III., his reign was visited with much sickness and mortality, so as they reckoned in his days three several mortalities; one in the twenty-second year, another in the thirty-fifth year, and the last in the forty-third year of his reign; and being otherwise victorious and in prosperity, was by that only cross more afflicted, than he was by the other prosperities comforted. Besides, he entered hardly; and, again, according to the verse, ❝cedebant ultima primis," his latter times were not so prosperous. And for King Henry V., as his success was wonderful, so he wanted continuance; being extinguished after ten years' reign in the prime of his fortunes. Now, for her majesty, we will first speak of the blessing of continuance, as that which wanted in the happiest of these kings; and is not only a great favour of God unto the prince, but also a singular benefit unto the people; for that sentence of the Scripture, "misera natio cum multi sunt principes ejus," is interpreted not only to extend to divisions and distractions in government, but also to frequent changes in succession; considering, that the change of a prince bringeth in many charges, which are harsh and unpleasant to a great part of the subjects. It appeareth, then, that of the line of five hundred and fourscore years, and more, containing the number of twenty-two kings, God hath already prolonged her majesty's reign to exceed sixteen of the said two-and-twenty; and by the end of this present year, which God prosper, she shall attain to be equal with two more: during which time there have deceased four emperors, as many French kings: twice so many bishops of Rome. Secondly, we will mention the blessing of health: I mean generally of the people, which was wanting in the reign of another of these kings; which else deserved to have the second place in happiness, which is one of the great favours of God towards any nation. For as there be three scourges of God, war, famine, and pestilence; so are there three benedictions, peace, plenty, and health. Whereas, therefore, this realm hath been visited in times past with sundry kinds of mortalities, as pestilences, sweats, and other contagious diseases, it is so, that in her majesty's times, being of the continuance aforesaid, there was only, towards the beginning of her reign, some sickness, between June and February, in the city; but not dispersed into any other part of the realm, as was noted; which we call yet the great plague; because that, though it was nothing so grievous and so sweeping as it hath been sundry times heretofore, yet it was great in respect of the health which hath followed since; which hath been such, especially of late years, as we began to dispute and move questions of the causes whereunto it should be ascribed, until such time as it pleased God to teach us that we ought to ascribe it only to his mercy, by touching us a little this present year, but with a very gentle hand; and such as it hath pleased him since to remove. But certain it is, for so many years together, notwithstanding the great pestering of people in houses, the great multitude of strangers, and the sundry voyages by seas, all of which have been noted to be causes of pestilence, the health universal of the people was never so good. The third blessing is that which all the politic and fortunate kings before recited have wanted; that is, peace: for there was never foreigner since her majesty's reign, by invasion or incursion of moment, that took any footing within the realm of England. One rebellion there hath been only, but such a one as was repressed within the space of seven weeks, and did not waste the realm so much as by the destruction or depopulation of one poor town. And for wars abroad, taking in those of Leith, those of Newhaven, the second expedition into Scotland, the wars of Spain, which I reckon from the year eighty-six or eighty-seven, (before which time neither had the King of Spain withdrawn his ambassadors here residing; neither had her majesty received into protection the United Provinces of the Low Countries,) and the aid of France; they have not occupied in time a third part of her majesty's reign; nor consumed past two of any noble house; whereof France took one, and Flanders another; and very few besides of quality or ap pearance. They have scarce mowed down the overcharge of the people within the realm. It is therefore true, that the kings aforesaid, and others her majesty's progenitors, have been victorious in their wars, and have made many famous and memorable voyages and expeditions into sundry parts; and that her majesty, contrariwise, from the beginning, put on a firm resolution to content herself within those limits of her dominions which she received, and to entertain peace with her neighbour princes; which resolution she hath ever since, notwithstanding she hath had rare opportunities, just claims and pretences, and great and mighty means, sought to continue. But if this be objected to be the less honourable fortune; I answer, that ever amongst the heathen, who held not the expense of blood so precious as Christians ought to do, the peaceable govern ment of Augustus Cæsar was ever as highly esteemed as the victories of Julius his uncle; and that the name of "pater patria" was ever as honourable as that of propagator imperii." And this I add further, that during this inward peace of so many years in the actions of war before mentioned, which her majesty, either in her own defence or in just and honourable aids, hath undertaken, the service hath been such as hath carried no note of a people, whose militia hath degenerated through long peace; but hath every way answered the ancient reputation of the Eng|lish arms. 66 The fourth blessing is plenty and abundance: and, first, for grain and all victuals, there cannot be more evident proof of the plenty than this: that whereas England was wont to be fed by other countries from the east, it sufficeth now to feed other countries; so as we do many times transport and serve sundry foreign countries; and yet there was never the like multitude of people to eat it within the realm. Another evident proof thereof may be, that the good yields of corn which have been, together with some toleration of vent, hath of late time invited and enticed men to break up more ground, and to convert it to tillage, than all the penal laws for that purpose made and enacted could ever by compulsion effect. A third proof may be, that the prices of grain and victual were never of late years more reasonable. Now, for arguments of the great wealth in all other respects, let the points following be considered. There was never the like number of fair and stately houses as have been built and set up from |