somewhat apart from the strife, nor is it improbable that the participants themselves had a consciousness that a parenthesis of "laughter" would appear in the report which history would make to the generations to come. The annalist "on pleasure bent" will recall the "triangular bits of papers" said to have been attached to houses in Augusta which were doomed to destruction; the open-air session of the Fusionist Legislature, whereat the street Arabs enacted the part of "statesmen," and cheerfully seconded all motions; the presence in the city, unknown to the careless multitude, of an inaugural address, prepared by a "Governor" in an early stage of development, which was delivered in the brief hours of his alleged rulership, and which was careful to make mention of the guidance of Providence, as evidenced in part by the illegal election. which he had delayed not to accept; the concealment of the great seal of the State, as if the metal were greater than the people, and its absence an absolute bar to the execution of their will; the proclamation by the claimant to the office of Secretary of State, who termed the transactions, by which at legal government was established, "another leaf in the history. of the warfare of wealth against labor," which would presently compel the people to "purify and regenerate their free institutions by a baptism of blood;" and the two orders to General Chamberlain from the two assumed Governors inviting him to abandon a trust, which they well knew he would not surrender save to a lawful Commander-in-chief. A larger sense of humor might have saved the flitting occupants of baseless official positions from the record which will suggest the absurdities of their attempt at playing "office-holding," as one of them characterized their doings. The graver features of these essays of theirs to possess what was another's have a vitality of their own, and will be distinct when the minor details of the brief travesty on governing are forgotten.

The facile descent of those who devised and executed the scheme to subvert the rule of the people, has been referred to a beginning with the simple determination to make capital out of charges of fraud in the election. Following the law of the least effort, the actors readily passed to the lower levels of the counting-out process. That is, it is claimed that the partici

i

pants were ultimately worse than they meant to be. It is not given to mortals to enter into the consciousness of their fellows, and this suggestion is chiefly important as indicating the popular feeling that no large group of party men could have delib erately planned what is worthy of being characterized as a political atrocity. That a few were capable of such an act there was no doubt. Having failed to resist the beginnings, men found themselves committed to a scheme which now has been defeated. Party necessity brought them first into the border lands of political iniquity, and the boundary was crossed before they were aware.

Thackeray suggests that "government by a steam autocrat " might be a useful form of administration. Swift and inflexible undoubtedly would be the characteristics of this executive. The fuller expression of the scheme, however, would involve "motor" judges, juries made unanimous by electricity, and a sort of telephonic militia who could "strike terror" at long range, and execute tactics with awful suddenness. But all this would swell the tax list, and make the national debt a larger blessing. The early adoption of the system is a matter of grave uncertainty. If this conceit of the English humorist suggest the alertness and firmness which our government, State as well as national, must exhibit, the sagacity of the unsmiling essayist will have been indicated afresh. The New England mind so long has clung to the belief in its political "perseverance," that it is difficult to persuade our people that a "fall from grace" in matters of government is a possibility. We have counted ourselves "peculiar people" of the country. The "Gentiles" of the South, or of nearer localities, may abuse the elective system, count votes by an inverse ratio, "intimidate," make the primary conventions mere "annexes' to the headquarters of political chiefs (who wear the classic name of "Boss"); and play tricks before high heaven that depress and repel honorable men. But New England, with its "ancestral fame," is to be exempt from the depravity that stains the record of parties beyond its borders. The sober study of the transactions in Maine must teach even the most unwilling son of New England that no political organization is free from bad men; that election frauds are possible in the

land which bears historic monuments of high fame and cherishes the memory of noble men; that revolution may be advocated, planned, attempted, in regions remote from the great centers, and by men bred to quiet pursuits; that on the original soil of Massachusetts may be essayed schemes to invalidate the express will of the people, to overturn a State government legalized by the decisions of the highest court; and to undermine the fabric of the Republic. The most complacent optimist must now allow that New England's safety lies not in the frequent allusion to those passages in its history which are resplendent with the fearless and notable doings of the fathers. It is but a vain thing to speak with sweet and honorable delight of the places and the men that make our annals luminous, if so be the political life that now is illustrates the baser elements of governmental history. The security of governments rests in an important sense on the quick discernment of approaching corruption and violence, and the immovable purpose to resist these assailants of the country's integrity. The Maine contest will be worth all the anxiety and labor and devotion it has called forth, if the State and New England, and the country, are thereby moved to take heed lest they fall.

Politicians are fond of half truths. They may be content with the partial statement of the merits of this case. To say that a certain party or coalition was guilty of this offense, and to exhibit that body as an "awful example" quite satisfies the man who is bent solely on gathering votes for his side. The larger truth is, that all parties are exposed to a like temptation, and may succumb. The danger is, that the bad element may get the upper hand. The Maine developments teach an object. lesson, which the country had best mark and inwardly digest, namely that depravity has not forsaken the realm of politics, and that the strongest and most honorable association of voters must needs keep clear and prominent the principles of selfrestraint, patience, watchfulness, and whatsoever is pure and of good report, and that the ultimate ground of safety is the indwelling of that righteousness, which will save men and States from lust and lawlessness.

ARTICLE VI.-NOTICES OF NEW BOOKS.

THEOLOGICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL.

TARIFF OF THE APOSTOLIC PENITENTIARY.*—The Penitentiary at Rome is one of the bureaus from which bulls, graces, dispensations, and the like are sent forth. It has been, since the reign of Clement V., under the charge of an ecclesiastic styled the "Grand Penitentiary." In the tract before us, Pastor Dupin de Saint-André has reprinted from an old copy which he discovered in the library at Tours, and which bears the date of 1520, a pricelist, assigning the tax to be assessed in return for the granting of absolution for every variety of offences, and for dispensation from church laws. This publication which, as may readily be supposed, was extremely unwelcome to partisans of the Papacy, was attacked in various French journals and its genuineness was denied. In the second edition of his pamphlet, M. De Saint-André has triumphantly vindicated the authenticity of this remarkable monument of ecclesiastical abuses, by showing that his critics have discharged their musketry against other publications which they have wrongly confounded with this. The tax-list which he unearthed in the Tours Library was issued under the auspices of Popes John XXII. and Leo X. M. De Saint-André has furnished a carefully prepared catalogue of the various editions through which it has passed. He has, also, added a brief but scholarly account of the way in which, in the middle ages, among the Germanic nations, the custom was introduced of commuting canonical penances into pecuniary mulcts. The church first resisted this innovation, then acquiesced in it, and finally took it under its patronage. The old Germanic law furnished the example for this species of pecuniary compensation for erimes and offences, and it established itself in the administration of church discipline. Perrone and other theologians, have said that money was given, not as the price, but as the condition, of absolution. "With just as much reason," replies Hase, one could say: 'I have bought a pig, not for a price, but on the condition of my paying for it ten dollars.' 999 The pages of this little pamphlet set forth the exact sum * Taxes de la Pénitencerie Apostolique, d'après l'Édition publiée à Paris en 1520, etc. Par A. DUPIN DE SAINT ANDRÉ. 2o ed. Paris: G. Fischbacker, 1879,

which it cost to procure absolution for an act of theft, homicide, fornication, for marrying within forbidden degrees of consanguinity, and for a variety of other sins. The disposition to cover up these old abuses, which had so great an influence in producing the Protestant movement, is natural on the part of Papists at the present day; but they cannot be allowed to subvert the truth of history. This modest publication of M. De Saint André is an interesting contribution as aiding us to conceive vividly the state of things which existed in the age of Luther, and which called out his vehement remonstrances.

PRESIDENT STURTEVANT ON SECTS.*-The churches have reason for gratitude to President Sturtevant for faithful and efficient service for religion and education during a long life now drawing towards its close in an honored old age. He has never been wanting in vigorous and manly defence of truth and righteousness and earnest effort for the reform of abuses and the progress of Christian civilization. In reading the present volume, even those who do not agree with him will be interested in his Christian fidelity and earnestness, his candor and kindliness of spirit, and will find it suggestive of thought, stimulating to investigation, and presenting a problem which, whether he solves it or not, demands profound and prayerful consideration.

Dr. S. bolds that the germ of the division of the church into sects is the doctrine that Baptism and the Lord's Supper are put into the guardianship of the organized church, which holds the power of the keys to admit to or exclude from the sacraments. On the contrary he holds that the church is identical with the kingdom of Christ; that its only visible organization is in in local churches; that these churches exist only for mutual edification and coöperation of the members in the worship of God and in all Christian work; and that discipline is mainly of counsel, admonition, and other endeavors to bring one who goes astray to repentance. He insists, however, that while churches are to comprise all true Christians, it must not include any whose doctrine and conduct show that they reject Christ. His defense of his position is largely historical, comprising a cursory examination of the apostolic church, and the incoming or retention of errors in

*The Keys of Sect: or, The Church of the New Testament compared with the Sects of modern Christendom. By JULIAN M. STURTEVANT, D.D., LL.D., Ex-President of Illinois College. Boston: Lee & Shepard. New York: Charles T. Dillingham. 1880. pp. vi. and 413. For sale by E. P. Judd, New Haven.