In an interview, Armor spoke about his study and its controversial implications for education and society.

"My conclusion was that bussing is not an effective policy instrument for raising black achievement levels," he said. "If the criterion for desegregated schools is academic gain, little can be done by them to alter achievement patterns as measured by standardized tests."

While Armor's findings were about specific bussing programs, he feels they pertain to a whole variety of programs in the educational field intended to solve problems of deprived minorities.

"I also found that school desegregation has brought about an increase in racial tensions in cases where it has been studied," he said. "However, these results are not conclusive-there is little data on the topic, except for some nonsystematic journalistic accounts."

But Armor believes achievement results are independent of whether or not two ethnic groups get along.

Because of the emotion surrounding this subject, Armor was asked if he has had second thoughts about having his ideas published in a popular academic journal. Since his findings might be used in a political way not intended, many people are worried that the results will buttress efforts of officials trying to cut spending on social welfare programs.

"I didn't like my results," Armor said, "but I felt it vital to publish them, and have them read. I was going against a strong educational momentum based more on ideology (than on social science) than I had suspected. The recourse would have been for the public not to know the facts.

"It's especially vital for the black community to have such information, because it's most directly affected by these programs.

"I am intrigued by how the current educational research parallels a contemporary conservative swing politically. It suggests fundamental processes are occurring. But I guarantee that none of this research is sponsored by some conservative group."

[From the Detroit Free Press, Sept. 9, 1973]

BUSING OPPOSED BUT INTEGRATION DRAWS SUPPORT

(By George Gallup)

PRINCETON, N.J.-Most Americans apparently favor public school integration, but few approve of busing as a means to reach this goal.

A recent nationwide Gallup Poll indicates only five-percent support for busing. But 27 percent of the respondents favored "changing school boundaries to allow more persons from different economic and racial groups to attend the same schools," and 22 percent favored "creating more housing for low-income people in middle-income neighborhoods."

Another 22 percent do not choose either of these plans but favor some other way to achieve integration. Only one person in five said that he opposed the integration of schools.

The survey indicates that much of the opposition to busing stems from reasons other than racial animosity. These include the belief that busing is an infringement of personal liberties, worry about busing children to schools in different neighborhoods, and concern that busing will increase local school taxes. But the gap between blacks and whites remains wide. Overwhelming majorities of whites express satisfaction with the work they do, their income, housing, their children's education.

This gap is also apparent in attitudes on the "quality of life" in one's community and on the future facing a person and his family.

Nearly eight in 10 whites say they are satisfied with the "quality of life" in their communities, but only about half of blacks agree. In addition, 56 percent of whites say they are satisfied with the future facing them and their families, while a far smaller percentage of blacks, 43 percent, do so.

Approval of interracial marriage has increased from 20 percent in 1968 to 29 percent in the latest survey.

Prejudice toward blacks in politics has declined to its lowest point yet recorded. In 1958, only 38 percent of all adults said they would vote for a qualified Negro for president. The latest figure is 70 percent.

The same survey indicates that most white parents, both in the North and South, would not object to sending their children to a school where as many as half of the students are black.

Among white parents in the North, however, objection to having their children in predominantly black schools has increased since the previous survey in 1970 (from 51 percent to 63 percent).

In the 10 years since the 1963 civil rights "march on Washington," nationwide Gallup surveys taken at regular intervals reveal that blacks feel that their living conditions have greatly improved and that white attitudes have become more tolerant.

The percentage of blacks who say they are satisfied with their work has grown from 54 percent in 1963 to 63 percent in the most recent survey on the subject. Satisfaction about housing for blacks has risen from 43 to 51 percent, and about education, from 42 to 57 percent.

THE ADVOCATES OF BUSING PREACH BUT DON'T PRACTICE

(By Paul Harvey)

Now we're going to see whether a more moderate Supreme Court can heal the hurts deriving from school busing.

This is the court of last resort-since many members of Congress continue to talk one way and act another.

Who?

Ask Sen. Ted Kennedy where his son goes to school, he will tell you "that's a private matter."

His private practice does not parallel his public position.

His son attends a private school. It costs him $2,400 a year to send his son there. He can afford it.

And it's interesting to note how many of the 100 per cent ADA liberals who are persistently telling you to bus your youngster across town to achieve a black-white balance send their own children to private schools where there are no blacks or where the ratio is eleven to one white.

And arch-liberal Birch Bayh of Indiana also has a son attending a private school.

Sen. Ed Muskie calls busing a "necessary tool." He says "from time to time we must use uncomfortable means" to achieve a proper objective.

He also sends one of his daughters to a private school. Of 245 students there, only three are black.

Two other Muskie children go to another Catholic school nearby where none of the 446 students is black.

And Sen. George McGovern has blasted the President for opposing compulsory busing saying, "the President has encouraged contempt for the law . .

McGovern, when he lived in the suburbs, sent his daughter to a private Catholic school. Now living in the District, the daughter is sent daily to a Bethesda high school, tuition for nonresidents, $1,450. Percentage of blacks, about 3 per cent. In District public schools the percentage is 95 per cent black.

Then there's Sen. Walter Mondale, the dedicated reformer of other people, who recently removed his son from a Washington, D.C., public school and enrolled him at a Georgetown day school.

There his classmates include children of Sen. Philip Hart.

Interestingly, the first black appointed to the Supreme Court, Justice Thurgood Marshall, sent his two youngsters to this private school where the tuition may be from $1,600 to $2,000.

The black mayor of Washington, D.C., sent his daughter there now sends his granddaughter-in a chauffeur driven car bearing the mayor's license plates. And black liberal Washington, D.C., congressman Walter Fauntroy, enrolled his son in a private school. And Democratic Congressman Donald Fraser of Minnesota took his daughter out of a mostly black public school and put her in a Georgetown day school.

Similarly, the big name liberals in the District press corps, whose publications urge busing for the rest of us, buy a way out for their children: Phil Geyelin and Ben Bradlee of the Washington Post, Tom Wicker of the New York Times, liberal columnist Nicholas von Hoffman.

Perhaps Von Hoffman spoke the hearts of all these parents when he told NBC's Mike Wallace that he "did not want to make his children pay for his own social philosophy."

He did not want to make "his children" pay.

"DO WHAT I SAY, NOT WHAT I Do"

Frankly, we're disenchanted.

A federal judge in Richmond, Va., recently ordered the schools of that city and two suburban counties to merge for the purpose of integration.

When we heard of the Richmond order, we pictured behind it the righteous hand of a true libertarian, a man whose deeds would match his principles.

Imagine our surprise and sadness last week when we learned that U.S. District Court Judge Robert R. Merhige Jr., who handed down the controversial order, sends his 11-year-old son to a private school in Richmond's advantaged west end!

One of the compelling theories behind integration, we recall, is that disadvantaged children will benefit from going to school with children from families that have enjoyed greater benefits in our society.

Cornelius Golightly, member of the Detroit Board of Education, says there are but two ways to improve a student's achievement. One is to improve the socioeconomic level of his family. The other is "to make sure that the schools have a majority of middle class students, who serve to pull under-achievers ahead with them."

Under such a theory, the least a true libertarian in a high socio-economic class can do is send his own children to public schools, where they can help raise the achievement level and where they will be available for programs of integration ordered by a concerned judiciary.

When asked about his failure to do so, Judge Merhige retorted:

"When I'm on the bench, I'm a judge and when at home, I'm a father."

Which is tantamount to saying that as a judge, he deals with theories but as a parent, he deals with realities. He wants what is best for his child and most convenient to himself.

That's exactly what millions of other parents say when told that they may have to give up their neighborhood schools and send their children on buses to other districts.

PREPARED STATEMENT OF DALE P. PATTISON, PH. D., PRESIDENT, BOARD OF EDUCATION, KALAMAZOO, MICH.

Description of Court-ordered, Racial-Balance Busing situation in Kalamazoo, Michigan by Arthur Staton Jr. (Attorney for Defendant Board of Education in the Michelle Oliver et al vs. Kalamazoo Board of Education et al Civil Action K-88-71) and Dale P. Pattison, President, Board of Education, Kalamazoo, Michigan.

The Kalamazoo School District is and has always been comprised principally of the City of Kalamazoo. Neither it nor the City acquired significant black population until after World War II. In 1940 its black population did not exceed 2%; by 1970 it had increased to approximately 10%.

Negro families can and have resided in all parts of the City. They have concentrated, however, in a wedge-shaped area between the New York Central and Pennsylvania Railroads in the northern part of the City, and by 1970 82.6% of Kalamazoo's Negro population resided in 5 census tracts. The Kalamazoo School District neither caused nor contributed to the black population's migration to and concentration within the City of Kalamazoo.

The Kalamazoo School District has neighborhood schools, especially on the elementary level. The size, location and boundaries of the schools were drawn so as to serve convenience, economy, safety, parent-child participation, and other equally meritorious considerations. By 1970 there were 29 such elementary schools, with 9,807 elementary students. These neighborhood schools were open to and received all persons residing within their boundaries, regardless of race, color or creed. By 1970 each of the 29 schools had one or more minority students, and all but four had at least some Negro students.

The make-up of a neighborhood school's student population reflected precisely the racial, economic, social or other make-up of the neighborhood. Because of black residential concentration, by 1970 five schools (Lincoln-92.7% black; Northglade-86,0% black; Woodward-57.3% black; Roosevelt-46.3% black;

and Edison-17.8% black) housed approximately 80% of the elementary black children residing in the District.

Though the educational opportunity offered by the School District in each of its neighborhood schools (buildings, equipment and other facilities, courses, teachers and all other input factors) was equal; the average achievement level within the neighborhood schools varied widely and in direct relationship to the socio-economic make-up of the neighborhood. Low socio-economic neighborhoods, whether black or white, produced a low achieving neighborhood school student body, regardless of the educational opportunity offered by the school itself. There has never been and there is not now any independent relationship between racial imbalance and achievement.

Commencing with the first available state and federal programs, the Kalamazoo School District has maximized its efforts to focus specialized compensatory help to all neighborhood schools which evidence economic and educational deprivation, and this assistance has gone to black and white alike. To this extent the District has offered more than equal educational opportunity to its economically and educationally deprived students.

In 1967 the Kalamazoo School District began its studies focused upon balancing and integrating its schools at all levels. These studies focused equally upon racial and socio-economic balance and integration. Both administration and citizens' committees were appointed, functioned and reported to the board. The preparatory steps (preparing the community, the children and teachers and staff) recommended by these committees were adopted by the Board and implemented or partially implemented during 1969 and 1970. The choice, character and detail of plans for integration and the date for their implementation were not adopted, but were left instead for study dependent upon the progress of preparation. By early 1971 plans for integrating the high and junior highs were adopted.

On April 5, 1971, though the Board had not previously considered nor adopted a plan or a date for its implementation, a 4-3 majority of the Board passed a resolution calling for integration of the elementary schools by September of 1971, and for submission of a plan for such purpose within 30 days. Thirty-two days to the day thereafter such a plan was conceived, prepared and adopted by the same 4-3 Board majority. At the time this plan was initiated, considered and adopted, two members of the majority 4 faced re-election with terms expiring in July. The proposed plan undertook balance solely on the basis of race and called for massive busing, not only to achieve racial balance, but to shift students in keeping with a grade breakdown in the elementary schools. Elementary schools were changed from K-6 so that all were K schools, some were 1-3 schools, and others were grade 4 through 6 schools. The precipitate action of the Board under the circumstances described, coupled with the revolutionary changes wrought by the plan, violently divided the community. In the ensuing elections two Board members who opposed the plan's adoption were elected with large majorities, and on July 6th the new Board passed a resolution which postponed the implementation of the prior adopted plan for one year pending further study. In the interim the Board adopted a voluntary plan permitting transfers and transportation where such transfers improved racial balance.

In mid-August the NAACP, among others, commenced action to rescind the July resolution and compel implementation of the prior plan by schools beginning in September. On August 20, 1971, the Federal District Court conducted a preliminary hearing and issued its injunctive order, which, among other things, rescinded the July resolution and ordered the District to implement the massive racial balance and busing plan adopted on May 7th. The trial court's order was affirmed on appeal and the litigation is now in pretrial preparation for trial on the merits on the earliest date available to court and counsel.

Thus, a school district that neither caused nor desired racial imbalance or segregation has been found, on two days' hearing held on five days' notice, and has been treated precisely as though it were a district which had purposely planned and ordered the segregation it neither desired nor caused. The citizens are locked into a racial balance plan which deprives nearly everyone of all benefits of the neighborhood school. The sole rationale for the plan is racial balance, and this balance is totally unrelated to educational achievement. In attaining balance solely for this reason, socio-economic imbalance has in certain

instances been aggravated and increased. Attendance boundaries and feeder patterns are confused, and uncertain, and children, as they progress through the schools, are divided, one-half from K to 1st grade. Another division occurs at 3 to 4, another at 6 to 7. Though the Kalamazoo citizens have accepted the plan, to their great credit, they understandably seethe with smoldering resentment the senseless turn of events that placed them in their present predicament.

Our community, thereby, became the only one in the country where there has been court ordered busing without first being found guilty of segregative practices. After a two year delay Judge Fox held a brief trial and found the defendant School Board guilty of permitting a condition of de facto segregation to exist and, also, that the act of postponement was intended to be a recision. In other words, we were found guilty of not taking actions the Judge believed to be necessary and for what he believed to be our motives. The Judge ordered that his "temporary injunction" become permanent and that periodic adjustments of student assignments to schools should be made so as to ensure the desired racial mix.

It should be noted that while in the beginning of this lengthy affair the term "racial balance" was used unabashedly by the Judge and the proponents of the scheme, during the past year or more they have avoided the controversial wording and chosen to use the title "desegregation plan". But as the Bard of Avon reminds us a rose by any other name still smells the same.

Needless to say, the Board of Education has appealed to the Appellate Court in Cincinnati for relief. Nearing the end of the third year of court-ordered, racial balance busing we as yet have not had a hearing. We have lost twenty percent of our student population and spent in excess of $4,000,000 in implementing the court order. It has been detrimental to several aspects of our academic program and has produced no demonstrable improvement in the academic achievement of Black children. The restrictions placed upon school officials by the court order prevent us from designing and implementing viable and desirable alternatives. Probably, however, the most serious consequence of the Judge's order on our citizens has been their loss of faith in our supposedly democratic institutions. The educational problems in Kalamazoo are real ones. Many children are not achieving satisfactory academic results in the public school system. By any standard of measurement whether evaluating the pupil's achievement, behavior or attitudes our schools are not succeeding with a large number, perhaps most, of our youth. The causes of this condition are many.

Some poor achievers have limited mental abilities, some have physical dis abilities and others are under-nourished. Many have little incentive or poor motivation because of home, classroom or environmental circumstances. Too often youths have negative self-concepts and adjust their behavior to their limited expectations of themselves. Most, as is to be expected of their stage of maturation, lack self-discipline, a sense of responsibility and requisite social skills. In addition, many young people were being discouraged from learning and succeeding in school by social revolutionaries, the advocates of a so-called counter-culture and various social and academic misfits. These lemming-like provocateurs thrive in college communities like Kalamazoo.

If we agree on why students are performing poorly, then the question becomes what can "busing" do to solve these problems? The answer is that very little good and potentially great harm can come of it. Before considering the dubious and detrimental effects of compulsory busing remember certain basic truths about education. Researchers find "awesome differences" in verbal and mathematical competence between lower and middle class children entering school. At age eighteen a youth has spent only one-tenth of his life in school. The role of schools, then, in effecting intellectual and behavioral change must not be exaggerated.