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inoculated the country with the stock monomania. Men's minds are speculating, not upon the means of developing and unfolding the resources of the country, but of creating capital by trick and legerdemain. What is more unfortunate here with us, is that our best financiers, indeed the whole country, have their eyes fixed alone upon the North, and upon the retina is always presented a full-length figure of Mr. Biddle. At a meeting of Bank directors lately in New Orleans, it was formally resolved, that they could not think of resuming specie payments at all without the aid of the agency of the United States Bank. The great emporium of one half the continent, through which the North is now even supplied with meat and breadstuffs, cannot move without the great bottle-holder. In my opinion, there are no questions connected with the currency half so important to the South, as a direct trade with, and in consequence the establishment of a sound credit in Europe. My pride revolts at the idea that we who furnish the basis of nearly the whole foreign commerce, should be dependent on, and pay dearly for, a credit which our agents themselves acquire from the transaction of our business. These feelings, I can scarcely call them principles, now form the basis of my political creed, on the currency questions. They have led me to regard favorably the idea of an entire separation of the government from the money power-a full, entire, and eternal separation. I am not quite sure that I am right, yet I am willing to bear the evils of a trial. Even my distrust of the party now in power, has a tendency to confirm these opinions; not a little encouraged, too, by the honest prejudice which I feel at beholding the pride, insolence and intolerance of the Northern people.

The Union Bank promises to be a great humbug. We are not informed that it has yet taken any decisive step, except to give its President a salary of $10,000, and other officers in proportion. These acts have occasioned great dissatisfaction.

A perfect calm rests upon our State politics. Claiborne, for aught I know, has gone down to the tomb of the Capulets. Almost all the Democratic leaders are turning their attention tc the all-absorbing study of the new science of creating capital by

means of ingeniously contrived pieces of paper. In this calm encouraged by the placid tranquillity of the political lake, now and then a Whig editor will lisp the name of CLAY. Three have assumed boldness enough to raise the gallant fellow's flag. The older and more cunning are waiting further developments. In a short time, however, I look to see the banner raised at the mast-head of the Courier, Register, Sun, Herald, Argus, Advertiser, Southerner, and Star. Then for a war between the Nullifiers and their old allies. We cannot support Mr. Clay. His opinions of slavery, his views of protection, of internal improvement, in short, his strong Nationalism-notwithstanding our admiration of the man, our confidence in his personal character, and our distrust of the present adminisistration-will not permit us to support him. In my opinion, the Nullifiers in this State are now the stronger portion of the opposition. Their withdrawal will leave the supporters of Mr. Clay in a small minority. Our papers, as you know, are mostly in the control of young men, recent emigrants, and generally unac quainted with State politics. They do not reflect its political sentiments any more than the birds of passage who leave us every spring for the North, do its character.

The same gentleman writes a few months earlier

:

We are approaching momentous times. The fanaticism and deep-seated hatred of one portion of the Union against us is increasing. It is no Sunday mail affair, to be quelled by a single report. Blood alone, I fear, will quench it. I am for meeting it on the threshold. I, therefore, approve of Mr. Calhoun's resolutions, and am sorry to see that Mr. Clay is, in my opinion, unsound upon this subject of Slavery. If the North is tired of us, or considers itself contaminated by a union with us, let it go. Could I now influence the Southern Representatives, I would advise them to meet and recommend to all the slaveholding States to declare, through their Legislatures, that they would no longer submit to official vituperation and insult, and hold out to their sister States the alternative of respectful treatment or separa

tion. If we submit, we shall soon fall into contempt. I do not believe in an appeal to the good feelings of masses of men. They are as soulless as corporations. The only affections that can be touched, are interest and fear. Let the Northern politicians calculate the value of the Union to themselves. The point of interest is of little importance to us. I know not whether you agree entirely with me in these opinions. I hope you do, but whether so or not, I am sure you will ever possess my entire confidence. Our State Legislature has been organized by the election of Whig officers. Who will be Senator is a matter of doubt. Gwin is given up in despair by the Democrats. Trotter is their candidate. My choice would be Judge Smith or Guion. New Orleans feels deeply the withdrawal of our cotton business, and, in revenge, is using every art to depress our currency. She will not be able to effect this long. We will soon be out of debt, and then the world will come to us for our staple. We hear news of collisions on our northern frontier. A war with Great Britain would now be calamitous; one with Mexico would merely amuse us,”

CHAPTER XIII.

Visits Portland-Attends the Public Dinner given to Daniel Webster in Faneui Hall-Letter from Edward Everett-His Speech on the Occasion-Trip to the White Mountains-Invitation to a Public Dinner in New York-The Correspon dence-Reminiscence by Judge Wilkinson-Returns to Mississippi by Sea-Recep tion at New Orleans-Extract from a Speech at Vicksburg on Disunion-Letters.

ET. 29-1838.

Soon after reaching Portland, Mr. Prentiss was waited upon by a committee from Boston, with an urgent invitation to attend the Public Dinner about to be given to Mr. Webster, in Faneuil Hall. He consented to go, though much against his will; for he was on the point of starting, with a company of friends, on an excursion to the White Mountains.

The dinner to Mr. Webster afforded him a fine opportunity to express his admiration for that great statesman. It was one of the most brilliant political festivals ever known in this country. The occasion had called together an unusual number of distinguished men from all parts of New England, New York, and remoter sections of the Union. But no one of them was the object of such eager curiosity as S. S. Prentiss, of Mississippi; for so he was generally designated. The wonderful reports of his oratory, the anecdotes of his personal history-his lameness, too, and the fact that he was a son of New England-all conspired to produce the strongest desire to see and hear him. He was himself not a little excited by the thought of speaking in Faneuil Hall,

and addressing there an audience accustomed to the elo quence of Otis, Webster, Everett, and others hardly inferior to them in the exercise of this noble art. And not only was he to address an audience whose taste had been formed by such masters, but the masters themselves were to be present and speak to the people. It was, certainly, an ordeal, which a young man, whose name but a few months before had scarcely crossed the borders of Mississippi, might well feel some embarrassment in passing through.

The opening address was made by Gov. Everett, who presided on the occasion. It was in the highest degree instructive, beautiful, and impressive-teres atque rotundus—like all the productions of that finished orator. Then followed the honored Guest, in one of those simple, compact, and luminous speeches, which can receive no truer or worthier description than to call them Websterian.* "His manner of speech," as Lord Bacon said of the king, was indeed prince-like, flowing as from a fountain, and yet streaming and branching itself into nature's order, full of facility and felicity, imitating none, and inimitable by any." Or, as rare Ben Jonson wrote of Lord Bacon himself: "No man ever spake more neatly, more pressly, more weightily, or suffered less emptiness, less idleness in what he uttered; no member of his speech but consisted of its own graces. His hearers could not cough, or look aside from him without loss." The main topic of his address at this time was the SubTreasury scheme, to whose recent defeat his own ponderous arguments had so largely contributed.

Mr. Webster was followed by Gov. Ellsworth, of Connecticut, Hon. Abbot Lawrence, Ex-Governor Lincoln, Hon. Peleg Sprague, and other distinguished speakers.

The following account of Mr. Prentiss' address will be

See Webster's Works, vol. i. p. 417.

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