we are called upon to assert the inviolability of these principles, will prove to us the extent of secret plotting which has been working their decay. We shall find ourselves in the situation of a welltrained band of soldiers, who, supposing themselves beyond the reach of danger, are attacked by midnight marauders, and thrown into such confusion that they lose the benefit of their discipline, and fall a ready prey to destruction.

The sacred right of representation is the most valuable we possess. If robbed of it, nothing can compensate us. You may gather all the principles which enter into the Constitution of our Government-make a clustering wreath of them, and what would the whole be worth compared to the countless blessings of representation?

Reflect well on your position. No government has a rigni to surrender vital principles, and in this respect individuals and governments resemble each other. These principles are ours in trust, not to exchange and barter at our will: if they were intended merely for the present generation, then, indeed, we might surrender them with less dishonor; but they are sacred rights, vested in as many generations as we can imagine, and which we ought not to surrender even at the point of the bayonet. The framers of the great Constitution looked down the stream of Time and saw a thousand generations sitting upon its banks, all waiting for the rich legacy to be wafted to them, to use, but not abuse it, and then waft it on to others.

When looking into futurity, fellow-citizens, I contemplate the rising and rapidly developing glories of Mississippi, and behold the proud destiny opening before her, she seems like a rich bride reclining on the arms of the majestic Father of Waters; and amongst her sister States the most beautiful of them all.

But her honor is at stake! If a young man commit some dishonorable action and tarnish his fair fame, no future years of amendment, however well spent, can efface the stain: as time rolls onward it may become dimmer and dimmer, but the finger of envy or the tongue of scandal will never permit it to be lost In oblivion. This State is now in the position of the young man, Let her look calmly on, and see her dearest rights torn from her,

without a murmur or a blow struck for her deliverance-let her slavishly submit to her oppressor's mandate, and an indelible stain will remain upon her to the latest generations. Let not party spirit recklessly affix this stigma upon her escutcheon, but let us a 1, in the united and invincible strength of freemen, rally to the support of the Constitution.

I deprecate all excitement not belonging to the true question before the people. But I regret to see that one of the late members has not the same feelings. Having given up all other subjects, he has taken to Abolitionism, and seems to wish this great constitutional question decided as Abolition or no Abolition. It is true he does not charge upon me, or any other individual, Abolition doctrines; but what is the fair inference to be drawn from this parade of his anti-Abolition principles, in a question where there is not the shadow of an excuse for introducing them. I deprecate, with the utmost regret, this attempt to throw firebrands around us.

And, now, in conclusion, I thank the fair portion of my hearers for the attention they have paid to the discussion of the important principles brought forward in this address. Upon the maintenance of these principies, so dearly prized by every lover of our civil institutions, their happiness and interests depend. Yes, I appeal to them also, and am confident they would see those most dear to them—their husbands, sons, brothers, and their sweethearts-exposed to all the hazards of war, rather than that through inertness or want of the spirit of patriotism, they should shrink from a fearless and manful support of the Constitution.

We now return to the reminiscences :

In the spirit of his speech at Natchez, Mr. PRENTISS conducted the canvass throughout. One of his opponents made nc speeches, but flitting through the State sub silentio, spent his time very diligently in writing letters, issuing defences of his course, and trying to persuade the people of Mississippi that Mr. Clay was in close alliance with the Northern Abolitionists

Gen. James Davis (who took the place of Mr. Gholson, the latter having declined running), canvassed the State, but, after one or two encounters with Mr. PRENTISS, chose a different route from his antagonist. Mr. P. also broke a lance with other generals, and redoubtable leaders of the Administration party, while traversing the State-and were it worth the while, a whole chapter might be filled with amusing scenes of mishap and overthrow which befell them. No man was rash enough to enter the lists against him in this contest without being smitten to the earth. Some gentlemen, since noted in public life, could readily bear witness to this fact in their own persons; and many are the citizens of Copiah and other counties, who could attest it as delighted spectators of the affray.*

There is no end to the anecdotes illustrative of the power of his oratory. On one occasion, while he was speaking in his most fascinating manner, an old Democrat present became so charmed and excited, that, at the conclusion of the address, he walked towards him, and ripping his coat open behind, as he did so, cried out: "Well they may call me a turn-coat, if they choose; but I won't be that—I shall just back out of my coat, and vote for S. S. Prentiss and T. J. Word."

Numerous devices were resorted to by his opponents (such as the cry of Abolitionism against Mr. Clay), in order to divert the attention of the people from the real point at issue; but it was all in vain. All in vain, too, were the affectionate messages from Washington, entreating the faithful Democracy not to allow Messrs. Prentiss and Word to be returned. After a canvass of unparalleled energy on the part of the Administration forces, they were triumphantly sustained. I say "triumph

In a letter dated Vicksburg, April 18, 1888, the friend already referred to, writes: "Your brother left here the 1st day of April, with the intention of traversing the middle, eastern, and northern portions of the State. He is to-day in Pontotoc. I heard from him in Copiah, a strong Van Buren county, where the people were actually so proud of him and the stand he had taken, that after he had finished his speech, and they had thundered their applause, they bore him aloft in the crowd on their shoulders to his hotel, shouting all the while-Hurrah fir Prentiss ! Prentiss for ever! Wherever he goes, shouts of applause, public dinners, the gratulations and admiration of friends and foes mark his progress. His election is looked upon here as certain."-ED.

antly;" for although Mr. PRENTISS himself was rather mortified at the result, it was indeed, under the circumstances, a genuine victory of patriotism and the Constitution over mere party interests and selfish demagogisın.

A few specimens of the returns of this election as compared with those of July and November, 1837, will perhaps interest you. Mr. Claiborne was the highest candidate on the other side.

The aggregate vote was less than in November: but at that time, it should be remembered, the biennial State elections, as well as that for members of Congress, were held. At a special election, it is always extremely difficult to call out a large class of the people; so that in truth, the vote in April was a stronger expression of the popular sentiment than that of November.

These figures indicate better than any words could do, the effect of Mr. PRENTISS' speeches and personal popularity upon the canvass.

This period may be considered the golden prime of the genius of PRENTISS He had the whole State for his audience, the honor of the State for his subject. He came well armed and well equipped for the warfare. Not content with challenging his competitors to the field, he threw down the gauntlet to all comers. Party, or ambitior., or some other motive, constrained several gentlemen-famous before, notorious afterwards-to meet him. In every instance of such temerity, the opposer was made to bite the dust.

The ladies surrounded the beauty, interest to the scene.

rostrum with their carriages, and added by their There was no element of oratory that his genius did

It would be unjust not to say, in this connection, that his colleague, Mr. Word, who was a gentleman of excellent character and abilities, contributed not a little to the successful issue.

The utmost delight was felt at the result of this election, not only in Mississippi, but throughout the Union. No case of the kind had ever excited such universal attention. The progress of the canvass was watched with especial interest at Washington; Mr. PRENTISS' appearance there having attracted to him the warm affection of not a few, and the admiration of all the members of his party. His defeat would have been a personal disappointment to almost every Whig in the country, and not least to such men as Clay, Crittenden, Preston, Southard, and the venerable Judge White, who were among his warmest admirers.

The enthusiasm of his friends in Mississippi was unbounded. Their hearts had become so enlisted in the contest, that some of them were quite beside themselves with joy; they almost saw the advent of a Whig millennium in the triumph of their favorite candidate. But, alas! it was not long before the delusion vanished. Something very different from a Whig millenium, or even decennium, awaited the politics of Mississippi!

not supply. It was plain to see whence his boyhood had drawn its romantic inspiration. His imagination was colored and imbued with the light of the shadowy past, and was richly stored with the unreal but life-like creations, which the genius of Shakspeare and Scott had evoked from the ideal world. He had lingered, spell-bound, among the scenes of medieval chivalry. His spirit had dwelt, until almost naturalized, in the mystic dream-land they peopled-among paladins, and crusaders, and knights-templars; with Monmouth and Percy-with Bois-Guilbert and Ivanhoe, and the bold McGregor-with the cavaliers of Rupert, and the iron enthusiasts of Fairfax. The fluency of his speech was unbroken-no syllable unpronounced-not a ripple on the smooth and brilliant tide. Probably he never hesitated for a word in his life. His diction adapted itself, without effort, to the thought; now easy and familiar, now stately and dignified, now beautiful and various as the hues of the rainbow, again compact, even rugged in sinewy strength, or lofty and grand in eloquent declamation.

With such abilities, and surrounded by such circumstances, he progressed ir the canvass, making himself the equal favorite of all classes. It was less a canvass than an ovation. Old Democrats were seen, with tears running down their cheeks, laughing hysterically; and some who, ever since the formation of parties, had voted the Democratic ticket, from coroner up to governor, threw up their hats and shouted for him.-United States Law Magazine, May, 1852.