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I have always supposed that the person who gave publicity to the incident, must have been misled by not observing the relative position of the parties; Mr. PRENTISS standing, as I have said, between Mr. Clay and the Chair, Mr. C. pointing at Mr. P. might seem to point to the Speaker. The publisher of this occurrence may have been unaware, too, of the close intimacy and familiarity which existed between Mr. PRENTISS and the illustrious Kentuckian. But be this as it may, the facts were as above stated, and I am happy to give them to you, that justice may be done to the memory of these two great and good men.

A day or two after they were rejected, the House passed a Resolution, directing the clerk to pay Messrs. Word and Prentiss the usual mileage and per diem, while they were contesting their seats, amounting in all to nearly $2,000 apiece. But they disdained to touch it.

The result of the Mississippi Contested Election only served to increase the public interest in Mr. Prentiss. His manly bearing throughout the struggle, and the fearless spirit, as well as the eloquence, with which he had defied the whole force of the administration, secured for him the respect and even admiration of his more generous opponents; none expressed for him those sentiments more cordially than Mr. Legaré; while the pride and high hopes which his course excited in his own party, were only equalled by their disappointment at his defeat, and the fear that he would. not come back. On the eve of his departure for Mississippi, he received a very striking proof of the regard felt for him by the most distinguished members of his party, in the tender of a public dinner. A noticeable incident of this occasion, was a Union speech by Mr. Webster, made late in the night, which the guest, speaking of it several years after wards, declared to have been the most wonderful outburst of eloquence that he ever heard. He described it as marked

by all Mr. Webster's simple majesty, perspicuity and strength of thought, but with the addition of an impassioned fervor and inspiration of feeling, such as no one present had ever before witnessed in him.

The following letter to his elder sister, will fitly close this chapter:

WASHINGTON CITY, Feb. 14, 1838.

DEAR ABBY :

I informed you in my last, of the result of my business here, which I presume you have also learned from the papers. Though not quite as successful as I expected, yet on the whole. I believe I have, personally, no cause to complain. I am perfectly satisfied with what I have seen of political life, and without having my opinion of myself in any degree raised, I can truly say that my estimation of others is sadly diminished. I had no idea of the want of principle as well as the want of sense which characterizes a large portion of the political men of the nation. For my own part, I am heartily sick of the whole matter, and shall feel greatly obliged to the people of Mississippi, if they will allow me to retire. I think, however, that they will send me back here, and if they wish to do so, I feel bound to submit to their wishes. I had the honor of a very high and gratfying compliment on Saturday last. It was a public dinner given to myself and my colleague, by the Whig members of both Houses of Congress. There were about seventy or eighty present, among whom, were Messrs. Clay, Webster, Crittenden, Southard, Judge White, Evans, Bell, Wise, &c., &c. Indeed, it is said to have been the most talented selection of gentlemen that had ever assembled here at the convivial table. Many speeches were made, and the whole affair passed off very finely. I need not tell you that I was much gratified by the attention and personal regard of such men; though, generally speaking, I am not ambitious about such matters, and, indeed, most of the gratification I experienced, arose from the reflection that it would afford, perhaps, some pleasure to my mother and sisters. I have just got a portion of my first

speech printed, and will send you some copies to-morrow. You will find it rather a dry thing, as I was compelled, in writing it out, to omit most of it, except the argument on the constitutional point. Had I written all I spoke, it would have made a volume; for I spoke altogether, from ten to twelve hours, and that pretty fast. But I need not make apologies to such partial critics as you will all be. Tell George not to make as much fun of my prose as he does of my poetry, or I will get hold of some of his productions and retaliate. You must write me immediately at Vicksburg. Tell Anna she must mind and get well by the time I come home in the summer. My love to you all.

Your affectionate brother,

S. S. PRENTISS.

CHAPTER XI.

Speech on the Mississippi Contested Election.

We e give in this chapter the larger portion of Mr. Prentiss' first speech on claiming his seat. Aside from the importance of the principles discussed, it is entitled to a place here as one of the very few remains of his argumentative power. The reader will, probably, admit that it does no discredit to this feature of his eloquence.

MR. SPEAKER:-As an individual, I thank the House for the courtesy which has been extended to me. On behalf of the State of Mississippi, I acknowledge the somewhat tardy justice which has at length permitted her to be heard upon the question of her right to choose her own representation on this floor.

The first use I shall make of the privilege accorded to me will be to set the House right as to the attitude of the question, for I perceive that many members labor under a misapprehension on this point, and I am anxious that the position I occupy in the matter should be distinctly understood. I have petitioned this House for nothing; neither have I memorialized it. I have presented myself here as a Representative from the sovereign State of Mississippi to the Congress of the United States, and claim a seat on this floor, not as a matter of favor, but as a matter of right. I produced my credentials, properly authenticated, showing my due election, according to the laws of that State, and demanded to be sworn. No one objected to the legality of the election ; no one questioned my qualification or the correctness of the returns; neither was there any doubt as to the authenticity of the credentials. The State of Mississippi, it was admitted on all

hands, had, through her highest organs, and in accordance with the provisions of her Constitution and laws, solemnly accredited me as her Representative. It was objected, however, that the seats belonging to that State were already filled, as appeared by a resolution of the House, adopted at its last session, which resolution the State had no right to gainsay.

You, sir, refused to administer the oath, and referred the matter to the House. The House referred it to the Committee on Elections, with instructions to report the facts of the case, which report, with the resolutions based thereupon, is now the subject of discussion.

Had I been permitted, I should have objected to this reference. I thought then, and still think, that a committee had no business with the matter. It was not a case of contested election. No one denied the due election and return of my colleague and myself. Our credentials were perfect and unimpeached, and the only question which arose was upon the right of the State of Mississippi to hold any election in November for Representatives to Congress. The State had claimed the right, had exercised it, and through me, had asserted it to this House. No one gain. sayed the election, qualification, or return. It was the right of election itself which was controverted, and not the right of those claiming under it. The State of Mississippi asserted her right in November last to elect Representatives to the 25th Congress, in obedience to her laws, which she believes to be constitutional, and binding upon this House. The House denied the right, and set up its own action against it. Now, as far as the House had jurisdiction to decide upon this collision between itself and the State, I thought it could and should have proceeded at once, without the intervention of a committee.

I listened with feelings of deep regret and alarm, to sentiments expressed by honorable gentlemen, whose only advantage over myself has arisen from an earlier action on the part of the States which they represent, and an assertion of their claims at an earlier period than was practicable on my part. Sir, is there a gentleman on this floor who holds his seat by virtue of a law more definite, under credentials more perfect, with an expres

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