CHAPTER X.

Arrives in Washington-The Lower House of Congress in 1838-Mississippi Contested Election-His first Speech on claiming his Seat-The Admiration it excited -Mr. Webster's and Mr. Fillmore's Opinions of it-Mr. Legare's Reply to it-His second Speech-What followed-The final Result-Is rejected-An Error corrected touching a Remark of Mr. Clay-Public Dinner on the Eve of his Return to Mississippi and a Union Speech of Mr. Webster-Letters.

ET. 29. 1838.

He did not reach Washington until near the end of the year. The day after his arrival he wrote home :

WASHINGTON CITY, Dec. 27, 1887.

DEAR GEORGE:

I am at length in the "city of magnificent distances." I arrived here last evening, after an exceedingly tedious and disagreeable trip up the river and across the mountains. I left Vicksburg about the 10th inst., not so soon by two weeks as I had expected; but the returns of the election came in so slowly and I had so much private business to arrange, that it was impossible for me to leave at an earlier period. I see, however, that some of the newspapers have had me here for a fortnight, and one of the letter writers has even taken the liberty of resigning for me. I have not yet arranged my plan of operations, but shall do so in a day or two. I wish, first, to look about me and see how the land lies. I have my credentials and everything necessary for presenting the matter in the most imposing attitude. I shall have a vigorous contest, and the result is doubtful; but my impression is that I shall obtain the seat. There would be no difficulty in the case, were it not that it will be made a party question; and the Van Buren party are in too des

perate a condition to give up, without a struggle, the two votes of Claiborne and Gholson. By the by, Gholson is very sick, and will not be able to participate in the discussion or to appear in the House. Personally I care very little for the result. I have achieved a triumph in the election, sufficient to satisfy my ambi tion. I received the largest vote ever cast in the State, between two and three thousand more than Claiborne received in July last, and that too in the face of the most bitter and unprincipled opposition. But enough at present of politics. I shall keep you informed of the progress of events as they occur.

I found here a letter from you and also one from Anna, and I shall expect a letter from some of you at least once a week while I am in the city. Tell A. I will order the Intelligencer for her. My love to you all.

I do not believe that I have written to you for a very long period. I will, therefore, make amends by commencing a new year and a letter to you at the same time. And first let me wish you all, a happy, happy new year. I would almost give my chance for a seat in Congress to be with you to-day. As it is, I am all alone, looking into books, papers, and documents of all sorts, to prepare myself for a speech in the case of "the Mississippi Election;" but every moment or two my thoughts wander away to Portland, and leave the rights of the people of the State of Mississippi to take care of themselves. But I am with you in fancy, for I am so near you now, that imagination has little difficulty in accomplishing the rest of the way. I wrote to George the day after I arrived here, since which nothing of importance has occurred. I presented my credentials to the House; they were referred to the Committee on Elections, with insta actions to report the facts of the case, and I imagine

that in the course of a week the committee will report. Thereupon a discussion of a week or two, I suppose, will follow, in which I shall participate, and at the end of that period a fina decision will take place. I am at present strongly inclined to think that I shall succeed in obtaining the seat, though it is difficult to judge as to the result of the case, on account of the strong party-feeling which is excited in relation to it. I feel but little interest in the matter, except that my pride is somewhat involved. If I am not admitted, I shall come on and see you at once. If I am admitted, I shall not be able to leave until the end of the session. You must all write me, and that often, and I shall keep you advised of everything of interest which occurs to me. My love to all.

Your affectionate brother,

SEARGENT.

The Lower House of Congress embraced, at this time, an unusually fair representation of the political talents and intelligence of the Nation. The names of a portion of its members yet survive; some few of them will be likely to last as long as the Republic; but the greater number already are buried in oblivion, or known only in the local circles to which they retired. It is interesting to look over an old Journal of Congress, and then reflect on the ephemeral character of popular honors, as indicated by such a review; a young man, tempted to barter away his self-respect and independence of opinion in exchange for some transitory office, could hardly be put to a more salutary task. In no other way, perhaps, could he better learn, that political fame is a very rare attainment--the fruit of great abilities, combined with uncommon toil, patient study, experience and favoring circumstances-and that, therefore, the pursuit of it by ordinary men is utterly visionary. Even the most brilliant talents for public affairs, win only a passing notoriety, unless backed by time, fortune, and sub

stantial labor. If Henry Clay, Webster, and Calhoun, had all died at the age of forty, distinguished as they even then were, how small a figure would either of them have made in the history of this country, compared with the colossal space which his fame will now occupy!

Among the members of the House at this session, were the venerable Ex-President John Quincy Adams; Millard Fillmore; Thomas Corwin, of Ohio; James K. Polk; Messrs. Bell and Hunter, now members of the Senate; George Evans, of Maine; Levi Lincoln and Caleb Cushing, of Mass.; Ogden Hoffman, of N. Y; Henry A. Wise, of Virginia; Legaré, of South Carolina; Wm. C. Dawson, of Ga.; John Sergeant, of Pa.: and others distinguished then, or since, in public life.

The interest of the Mississippi contested election was very much enhanced by the precarious and nearly balanced state of parties in the House. The financial policy of the Administration had loosened the confidence of many of its friends, and already were several of them on the point of deserting it. The members from Mississippi, chosen at the special election, were not of this number; their votes were safely to be relied on; upon their retaining their seats, therefore, the Executive policy was quite likely to depend. Some of the weightiest measures ever adopted by Congress, and not a few of the most momentous national and State elections, have turned, as is well known, upon the suffrage of one or two men; so that the importance of a single vote has passed into a proverb.

It seems, at this day, almost incredible, that there should have been two opinions among intelligent men, concerning the claim of Messrs. Word and Prentiss to seats in the House of Representatives, on presenting their credentials to that body. Now that the motives and passions of the hour have passed away, the case appears plain as daylight:

its bare statement is a demonstration of the right. But it is no easy matter to see even daylight against the compulsion, or blind instinct of party feeling and discipline. Truth itself looks false in the presence of such influences. Nor is this to be regarded as wholly the fault of individuals, or as a peculiarity of any one party. For it lies in the very nature of parties, whether political or religious, that their members should be more or less their unreasoning instruments; and that the spirit and interests of the body should predominate over all other considerations. In this fact consists both the good and evil of this species of organization; it is at once the ground of its efficiency and of its debasing, odious despotism. One party may be constructed upon broader, and more beneficent principles, or be animated by greater intelligence and wisdom than another; and in that case, it will, of course, be likely to contain a larger number of men whe think and judge for themselves; but in itself considered, the spirit of party, whether in Church or State, is always and essentially dictatorial, intolerant and one-eyed; only minds of the highest quality are able to rise above, or to see beyond it. To expect that in excited times, and especially on questions involving important party interests, the many will act from the impulses of that magnanimity, candor, love of truth and reverence for justice, which belong only to the noble, elect few, is a visionary hope; one might almost as well look for stones soaring, like birds, into the air.

The facts, bearing upon the Mississippi contested election, were briefly these : In consequence of President Van Buren's proclamation, calling a special Session of Congress, Governor Lynch, of Mississippi, issued a writ, commanding the sheriffs to hold an election for Representatives, to fill what he regarded as a constitutional " vacancy," "until superseded by the members to be elected at the next regular election, on the first Monday and day following, in Novem