others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interests. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservi ent to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another, produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.

As avenues of foreign influence, in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be filled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation;

when we may choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by justice, shall coun sel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambi tion, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be

unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordina ry emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, hu manity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold au equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed in order to give trade a staple course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the governments to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure; which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism, this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend on me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neces sary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belliger ent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases

in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity toward other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to ob livion, as myself must soon be to the mansion of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws, under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. GEORGE WASHINGTON.

United States, Sept. 16th, 1796.

On motion of Mr. Skinner,

It was,

Ordered, That Washington's Farewell Address be spread upon the journal of the Convention and printed therewith.

In accordance with the resolution the President, at 3 o'clock and 10 minutes, declared the Convention adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1870.

Convention met, pursuant to adjournment. . Prayer by Mr. Poage, a delegate.

Journal read and approved.

The committee on Miscellaneous Subjects, through Mr. Underwood, its chairman, to whom were referred sundry petitions concerning the observance of the Christian Sabbath, reported the petitions back to the Convention, and asked that the committee be discharged from their further consideration.

There being no objection, the committee was discharged from the further consideration of said petitions.

Mr. Allen of Alexander presented a petition from J. R. Finney and others, citizens of Illinois, concerning giving preference to any one sect, denomination or society over another; which was referred to the committee on Miscellaneous Subjects.

Mr. Goodell presented the following communication, viz: SPRINGFIELD, February 22, 1870.

To the Hon. members of Constitutional Convention:

GENTLEMEN:-The "Emmet Guards," a military organization of this city, having by request secured the services of the Hon. Dillon O'Brien, of Minnesota, to deliver a lecture on Friday evening next, the 25th inst., upon the subject of "Ireland and her Cause," respectfully ask of your honorable body the use of the Hall Representatives for the occasion.

of

We are so deeply impressed with the courtesy and kindness already extended to us that we would not make this request, if it were possible to secure another hall, offering equal accommodations. The fact that our city does not contain any must plead our excuse

Thanking your honorable body, upon behalf of our entire Irish population, for the favors already extended, I have the honor to subscribe myself Your obedient servant,

P. CONNOR,

Captain Emmet Guards.

Also, the following resolution, and moved its adoption; which mo tion was agreed to and the resolution adopted, viz:

Resolved, That the use of this hall be granted to Hon. Dillon O'Brien, of Minnesota, for the purpose of a lecture upon "Ireland and her Cause," on Friday evening, the 25th inst.

Mr. Truesdale moved to take from the table the resolution of Mr. English and the substitute of Mr. Wail, introduced on Friday last, in reference to the adjournment of the Convention.

Mr. Haines of Lake moved to amend by postponing the consideration of the resolution and substitute until immediately after the report of the committee of the Whole on the Executive Department.

Mr. Wells moved to farther amend by taking the same from the table, to be considered immediately after the report of the committee on the Judiciary Department is disposed of in Convention.

Mr. Tincher moved to lay the said amendments upon the table; which motion was not agreed to.

Mr. Haines of Lake moved to postpone until the 4th of July next: which motion was not agreed to.

The question recurring upon the motion of Mr. Wells, and pending the consideration thereof,

On motion of Mr. English,

The Convention resolved itself into committee of the Whole, to again consider the report of the committee on the Executive Department; and after some time spent therein, the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Wells reported that the committee of the Whole hav ing, according to order, had under consideration said report, had made further progress therein, and asked that leave be granted to sit again at 2 o'clock P. M.

There being no objection, the Convention granted leave to sit again. On motion of Mr. Snyder,

At 12 o'clock and 40 minutes, the Convention adjourned.

TWO O'CLOCK, P. M.

Convention met, pursuant to adjournment, and,

"On motion of Mr. Anthony,

Resolved itself into committee of the Whole, to consider the report of the committee on the Executive Department; and after further time spent therein, the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Wells submitted the following report, viz:

The committee of the heConvention, to whom was referred the report of the committee on the Executive Department, beg leave to report that they have had the same under consideration, and have directed me to report the same back with sundry amendments, and ask the concurrence of the Convention therein, in the words following, viz:

ARTICLE IV.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT.

SECTION 1. The Executive Department shall consist of a Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of State, Auditor of Public Accounts, Treasurer, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Attorney General, who shall be chosen by the electors of the State at the places and in the manner of voting for members of the General Assembly, and shall, with the exion of the Treasurer, each hold his office for the term of four years from the second Monday of January, next after his election, and until his successor is elected and qualified. They shall reside at the seat of government during their term of office, and keep the public records, books and papers there, and shall perform such duties as may be prescribed by law.

§ 2. An election for Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of State, Auditor of Public Accounts and Attorney General shall he held on the Tuesday next after the first Monday of November, A. D. 1872, and every four years thereafter; for Superintendent of Public Instruction, on the Tuesday next after the first Monday of November, A. D. 1870, and every four years thereafter; and for Treasurer, on the Tuesday next after the first Monday of November, A. D. 1870, and every two years thereafter, at such places and in such manner as may be prescribed by law. § 3. The returns of every election for the above named officers shall be sealed up and transmitted, by the returning officers, to the Secretary of State, directed to "The Speaker of the House of Representatives," who shall, immediately after the organization of the House, and before proceeding to other business, open and publish the same in the presence of a majority of each house of the General Assembly, who shall, for that purpose, assemble in the hall of the House of Representatives. The person having the highest number of votes for either of said offices shall be declared duly elected; but if two or more have an equal and the highest number of votes, the General Assembly shall, by joint-ballot, choose one of such persons for said office.

§ 4. No person shall be eligible to the office of Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Auditor, Secretary of State, Superintendent of Public Instruction or Attorney General, more than four years in any period of eight years; nor shall any person, holding either of said offices, be eligible to any other office during the period for which he shall have been elected.

§ 5. Contested elections for all of said offices shall be determined by both houses of the General Assembly, by joint-ballot, in such manner as may be prescribed by law.

§ 6. No person shall be eligible to the office of Governor or Lieutenant Governor who shall not have attained the age of thirty years and been, for five years next preceding his election, a citizen of the United States and of this State.

§ 7. The supreme executive power shall be vested in the Governor, who shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed.