paper for printing any fuch intelligence.

or occurrence thereon, until the proprietor

or proprietors interested in the faid paper,

or

fuch and fo many of the faid pro❝prietors as are, in the judgment of the faid "commiffioners," or any three or more of

them, of fufficient ability to answer the • faid duties payable on advertisements, shall join in the security (to government) for the punctual payment of the duties.' By this clause the commiffioners of the stampduties are put in poffeffion of the names not only of the printers, but of the several proprietors of newspapers, and of legal evidence of their being fuch. This act alfo contains a claufe, by which a penalty of five pounds is laid on all those who shall even lend a newspaper for hire. This is a refinement in finance below the genius of George Grenville; and which even that gentleman, though ftiled by the father of E 2

the

the present minifter "

a pepper-corn finan"cier," would probably have regarded with

contempt.

As I am fpeaking of taxes relating to the prefs, I fhall take this opportunity of remarking, that fome of the late stampduties, duties on paper, &c. have been laid on literature with rather too unfparing a hand. The ftamp-duties and expences of advertisements are fo high, that an author has often seven or eight pounds to pay even for advertising a pamphlet; which is certainly a very heavy tax on literature. As our prefent nobility, and perfons of rank and influence, are not remarkable for their liberal patronage of literature, they should not be quite fo ready as they are to do it injury, or to concur in those measures that burthen and oppress it.

WHEN a new parliament fhall have leifure to attend, not merely to temporary objects,

objects, but to those measures that may be laftingly beneficial to the nation, it would be highly proper to advert to those real improvements in our conftitution, which may be dictated by found wisdom and impartial investigation. I would not wish to have any alteration made in the general. fyftem of our laws, or in our constitution, but on the most mature deliberation: but to suppose, that the English conftitution is so perfect, that no improvements can be made in it; and that whilst advances are conti nually making in knowledge, our civil and political regulations ought to undergo no alterations, can arife only from extreme bigotry, and from very narrow and very contracted views.

LET us be permitted to hope, that many of the public evils, which are now juftly the fubject of complaint, will be removed by the virtue and the wisdom of the present parE 4 liament;

liament; that they will adopt, and carry into execution, fuch plans for a reform in the representation of the people in the house of commons, and for fhortening the duration of parliaments, as fhall be most congenial to the spirit of the conftitution; that they will repeal unjust and oppreffive laws; that they will be careful, in paffing new laws, not to violate the juft rights of the people; that they will remember, that the maintenance of the public liberty is an object of infinitely greater magnitude and importance, than any new arrangements in finance, or pretended augmentations of the national revenue; that they will be vigilant in guarding the people from any fecret or open attacks upon their rights by the ministers of the crown; and that the aim and refult of their most folemn deliberations will be, establishing the freedom, and advancing the real interests and profperity of Great Britain,

APPENDIX.

SINCE this tract was written, and

the greatest part of it printed, the Right Hon. EDMUND BURKE has publifhed, Reflections on the Revolution in "France, and on the proceedings in cer"tain Societies in London relative to that "Event, in a Letter intended to have "been fent to a Gentleman in Paris." In this piece Mr. Burke has very warmly attacked the proceedings of the Society for Constitutional Information, and of the Revolution Society of London; and as I am a member of both thofe Societies, and was

one