However, we fully repaid them with our crossbows, had been shot in the neck and the other in the ear, muskets, and heavy cannon, cutting right and left posted strong watches, then ate our supper and retired among them with our swords. By this means we to rest. forced them to give ground a little, but only that they might shower forth their arrows at a greater distance, where they thought themselves more secure from our arms. Even then our artilleryman Mesa made terrible havock among them, standing as they did crowded together and within reach of the cannon, so that he could fire among them to his heart's content. Notwithstanding the destruction we made among their ranks, we could not put them to flight. I now remarked to our commander Diego de Ordas that we should rush forward upon the Indians and close with them. My motive for advising this was, because I saw that they merely retreated from fear of our swords, but still continued to annoy us at a distance with arrows, lances, and large stones. De Ordas, however, considered this not expedient, as the enemy's numbers were so vast that every single man of us would have had to encounter three hundred of the enemy at once. My advice, however, was at length followed up, and we fell so heavily upon them that they retreated as far as the wells. All this time Cortes still remained behind with the cavalry, though we so greatly longed for that reinforcement: we began to fear that some misfortune might also have befallen him. I shall never forget the piping and yelling which the Indians set up at every shot we fired, and how they sought to hide their loss from us by tossing up earth and straw into the air, making a terrible noise with their drums and trumpets, and their war-whoop Ala lala. In one of these moments Cortes came galloping up with the horse. Our enemies being still busily engaged with us, did not immediately observe this, so that our cavalry easily dashed in among them from behind. The nature of the ground was quite favourable for its manœuvres ; and as it consisted of strong active fellows, most of the horses being, moreover, powerful and fiery animals, our small body of cavalry in every way made the best use of their weapons. When we, who were already hotly engaged with the enemy, espied our cavalry, we fought with renewed energy, while the latter, by attacking them in the rear at the same time, now obliged them to face about. The Indians, who had never seen any horses before, could not think otherwise than that horse and rider were one body. Quite astounded at this to them so novel a sight, they quitted the plain and retreated to a rising ground. Cortes now related why he had not come sooner. First, he had been delayed by the morass; then, again, he was obliged to fight his way through other bodies of the enemy whom he had met, in which five men and eight horses were wounded. Having somewhat rested from our fatigue under the trees which stood on the field of battle, we praised God and the holy Virgin, and thanked them with uplifted hands for the complete victory they had granted us : and, as it was the feast of the annunciation to the holy Virgin, the town which was subsequently built here in memory of this great victory, was named Santa Maria de la Vitoria. This was the first battle we fought under Cortes in New Spain. After this pious solemnity we bandaged the wounds of our men with linen, which was all we had for that purpose. Those of our horses we dressed with melted fat, which we cut from the dead bodies of the Indians. We likewise took this opportunity of counting the number of killed left by the enemy on the field of battle. We found above eight hundred, numbers still showing sigus of life. Our swords had done the most carnage among them, though many were killed by our cannon. Whereever the cavalry made its appearance the enemy had most work to do. The fighting lasted about an hour; and our enemies maintained their ground so well, that they did not quit the field of battle until our horse broke in among them. There were two caziques among the five prisoners we made. As we were quite fatigued and hungry we returned to our quarters, buried the two soldiers, one of whom Francisco Lopez de Gomara, in his account of this battle, says, that previous to the arrival of Cortes with the cavalay, the holy apostle St. Jacob or St. Peter in person had galloped up on a gray-coloured horse to our assistance. I can only say, that for the exertion of our arms and this victory, we stand indebted to our Lord Jesus Christ; and that in this battle every individual man among us was set upon by such numbers of the enemy that if each of them had merely thrown a handful of earth upon us we should have been buried be neath it. Certain it is, therefore, that God showed his mercy to us here, and it may, indeed, have been one of the two glorious apostles St. Jacob or St. Peter who thus came to our assistance. Perhaps on account of my sins I was not considered worthy of the good fortune to behold them; for I could only see Francisco de Moris on his brown horse galloping up with Cortes; and even at this very moment, while I am writing this, I can fancy I see all passing before my eyes just as I have related it; although I, an unworthy sinner, was not considered worthy of beholding one of the glorious apostles face to face : yet again I never heard any of the four hundred soldiers, nor ever Cortes himself, nor any of the many cavaliers, mention this wonder or confirm its truth. We should certainly have built a church, and have called the town Santiago or San Pedro de la Vitoria, and not Santa Maria de la Vitoria. If, therefore, what Gomara relates is true, then we must indeed have been bad Christians not to have paid greater respect to the assistance which God sent us in the person of his holy apostle, and for having omitted to thank him daily for it in his own church. Nevertheless, I should feel delighted if this historian has spoken the truth, although I must confess that I never heard this wonder mentioned before reading his book, nor have I ever heard any of the conquistadores speak of it who were present at the battle. The visible saint militant appears to have been rather too much for our veteran, though he was a devoted catholic, and zealous propagator of the true faith. It was shortly after this battle that Cortes practised one of those successful stratagems which enabled this able leader and his comparatively few followers to conquer and hold in subjection the vast and populous regions into which they had thrown themselves. The story loses nothing in the graphic relation of Bernal Diaz. ¦ Cortes, who profited by every circumstance, said smailingly to us, "It appears to me, gentlemen, that the ladians stand in great awe of our horses, and imagine that these and our guns alone fight the battle. A thought has just struck me which will further confirm them in this notion. You must bring here the mare of Jean Sedeño which foaled on board a short time ago, and fasten her here where I am now standing. Then bring also the stallion of the musician Ortiz, which is a very fiery animal, and will quickly scent the mare. As soon 23 you find this to be the case, lead both the horses to se parate places, that the caziques may neither see the horses, nor hear them neigh, until I shall be in conver likewise ordered our largest cannon to be heavily loaded sation with them." All this was accordingly done. He with gunpowder and ball. A little after mid-day, forty caziques arrived in great state, and richly clothed according to their fashion. They saluted Cortes and all of us, perfumed us with their incense, begged forgiveness for what had happened, and promised to be friendly for the future. Cortes answered by our interpreter Aguilar, reminding them, with a very serious look, how often he had wished them to make peace with us, and how, owing to their obstinacy, we were almost upon the point of destroying them, with the whole of the inhabitants of this district. We were vas further added, who had sent us to this country with or sals of the mighty king and lord the emperor Charles, be ders to favour and assist those who should submit to his imperial sway, which we would assuredly do if they were amicably inclined towards us. If, however, they were not so, the tepustles (so the Indians called our cannon) would be fired off, which were already imbittered against them in some measure on account of the attack they had made upon us. Cortes, at this moment, gave the signal for firing our largest cannon. The report was like a sudden clap of thunder, the ball whizzing along the hills, which could be distinctly heard, as it was midday and not a breath of air stirring. The caziques, who had never seen this before, appeared in dismay, and believed all Cortes had said; who, however, desired Aguilar to comfort and assure them he had given orders that no harm should be done them. At this moment the stallion was brought and fastened at a short distance from the spot where Cortes and the caziques were holding the conference as the mare was likewise near at hand, the stallion immediately began to neigh, stamp the ground, and rear itself, while its eyes were continually fixed on the Indians, who stood in front of Cortes's tent, as the mare was placed behind it. The caziques, however, thought the animal was making all these movements against them, and appeared greatly agitated. When Cortes found what effect this scene had made upon the Indians, he rose from his seat, and walking to the horse, took hold of the bridle, and desired his servant to lead it away. Aguilar, however, was to make the Indians believe that he had ordered the horse not to do them any injury. While all this was going on, above thirty Indian porters (whom they term tamemes) arrived with fowls, baked fish, and various fruits: these porters, on account of their loads, had perhaps not been able to follow the caziques fast enough. A lively discourse was now kept up between Cortes and the caziques, who in the end left us perfectly contented, with the assurance that the following day they would return with a present. The famous resolution taken by the warlike Cortes to destroy his ships, so that he must either complete his conquest or perish in the attempt, is thus briefly ad verted to: While preparations were going on at Sempoalla for our march into the interior, numerous consultations were held with Cortes respecting every thing connected with it. We, his trustworthy adherents, proposed that all the vessels should be run on shore, in order at once to cut off all possibility of further mutiny, when we should have advanced far into the interior of the country. In which case, likewise, the pilots and sailors would be of greater use to us than by idling their time away in the harbour. I am well aware that the idea of destroying our vessels originated with Cortes himself, and that he merely shoved it on our shoulders for this reason, that if payment for the vessels should be demanded of him, he could throw the blame on us, and say that all was done at our own request; so that we both individually and collectively should have to assist in repaying the damages. This resolution was immediately adopted, and Cortes ordered the alguacil-major, Juan de Escalante, The following morning we left Iztapalapan accompanied by all the principal caziques above mentioned. The road along which we marched was eight paces in breadth, and if I still remember ran in a perfectly straight line to Mexico. Notwithstanding the breadth, it was much too narrow to hold the vast crowds of people who continually kept arriving from different parts to gaze upon us, and we could scarcely move along. Besides this, the tops of all the temples and towers were crowded, while the lake beneath was completely covered with canoes filled with Indians, for all were curious to catch a glimpse of us. And who can wonder at this, as neither men like unto ourselves, nor horses, had ever been seen here before! When we gazed upon all this splendour at once, we scarcely knew what to think, and we doubted whether all that we beheld was real. A series of large towns stretched themselves along the banks of the lake, out of which still larger ones rose magnificently above the waters. Innumerable crowds of canoes were plying every where around us; at regular distances we continually passed over new bridges, and before us lay the great city of Mexico in all its splendour. And we who were gazing upon all this, passing through innumerable crowds of human beings, were a mere handful of men, in all 450, our minds still full of the warnings which the inhabitants of Huexotzinco, Tlascalla, and Tlalmanalco, with the caution they had given us not to expose our lives to the treachery of the Mexicans. I may safely ask the kind reader to ponder a moment, and say whether he thinks any men in this world ever ventured so bold a stroke as this? When we had arrived at a spot where a narrow causeway led towards Cojohuacan we were met by a number of caziques and distinguished personages, all attired in their most splendid garments. They had been despatched by Motecusuma to meet us and bid us welcome in his name; and in token of peace they touched the ground with their hands and kissed it. Here we halted for a few minutes, while the princes of Tetzcuco, Iztapalapan, Tlacupa, and Cojohuacan hastened in advance to meet Motecusuma, who was slowly approaching us, surrounded by other grandees of the kingdom, seated in a sedan of uncommon splendour. When it was announced to Cortes that Motecusuma himself was approaching, he alighted from his horse and advanced to meet him. Many compliments were now passed on both sides. Motecusuma bid Cortes welcome, who, through Marina, said, in return, he hoped his majesty was in good health. If I still remember rightly, Cortes, who had Marina next to him, wished to concede the place of honour to the monarch, who, however, would not accept of it, but conceded it to Cortes, who now brought forth a necklace of precious stones, of the most beautiful colours and shapes, strung upon gold wire, and perfumed with musk, which he hung about the neck of Motecusuma. Our commander was then going to embrace him, but the grandees by whom he was surrounded held back his arms, as they considered it improper. Our general then desired Marina to tell the monarch how exceedingly he congratulated himself upon his good fortune of having seen such a powerful monarch face to face, and of the honour he had done us by coming out in very appropriate terms, and ordered his two nephews, the princes of Tetzcuco and Cojohuacan, to conduct us to We had already been four days in the city of Mexico, our quarters. He himself returned to the city. and neither our commander nor any of us had, during that time, left our quarters, excepting to visit the gardens and buildings adjoining the palace. Cortes now, therefore, determined to view the city, and visit the great market, and the chief temple of Huitzilopochtli: he accordingly sent Geronimo Augilar, Doña Marina, and one of his pages named Orteguilla, who, by this time, understood a little of the Mexican language, to Motecusuma, to request his permission to view the different buildPassing many incidents of great interest we copy outings of the city. Motecusuma, in his answer to this, certhe entrance of the conquerors into the city of Mexico, and of the riches and splendour of that magnificent capital. a young man of very great courage, and who was a close adherer to him, utterly hating Diego Velasquez, because he had neglected to give him any considerable commendary in Cuba, to take all the anchors, ropes, sails, in short every thing that might be of use to us out of the vessels, and run the latter all on shore, with the exception of the boats. The pilots, the old ships' masters, and those seamen who were unable to make the campaign with us, were to remain behind in the town, and employ themselves in catehing fish with our two drag-nets in the harbour, where the former were in great abundance. Juan de Escalante punctually obeyed these orders, and arrived in Sempoalla with an additional company formed of the sailors, of whom several became very excellent soldiers. to meet us himself. To all this Motecusuma answered tainly granted us permission to go where we pleased; yet he was apprehensive we might commit some outrage to one or other of his idols; he therefore resolved to accompany us himself, with some of his principal officers, and, for this purpose, left his palace with a pompous retinue. Having arrived at a spot about half way between his palace and a temple, he stepped out of his sedan, as he would have deemed it a want of respect towards his gods to approach them any otherwise than on foot. He leant upon the arms of the principal officers of his court; others walked before him, holding up on high two rods, having the appearance of sceptres, which was a sign that the monarch was approaching. He himself, whenever he was carried in his sedan, held a short staff in his hand, one half of gold, the other of wood, very much like that used by our judges. In this way he came up to the temple, which he ascended, in company with many papas. On reaching the summit, he immediately began to perfume Huitzilopochtli, and to perform other ceremonies. Our commander, attended by the greater part of our cavalry and foot, all well armed, as, indeed, we were at all times, had proceeded to the Tlatelulco: by command of Motecusuma, a number of caziques had come to meet us on our road there. The moment we arrived in this immense market, we were perfectly astonished at the vast numbers of people, the profusion of merchandise which was there exposed for sale, and at the good police and order that reigned throughout. The grandees who accompanied us drew our attention to the smallest circumstance, and gave us full explanation of all we saw. Every species of merchandise had a separate spot for its sale. We first of all visited those divisions of the market appropriated for the sale of gold and silver wares, of jewels, of cloths interwoven with feathers, and of other manufactured goods; besides slaves of both sexes. This slave market was upon as great a scale as the Portuguese market for negro slaves at Guinea. To prevent these from running away, they were fastened with halters about their necks, though some were allowed to walk at large. Next to these came the dealers in coarser wares-cotton, twisted thread, and cacao. In short, every species of goods which New Spain produces were here to be found; and every thing put me in mind of my native town Medino del Campo during fair time, where every merchandise has a separate street assigned for its sale. In one place were sold the stuffs manufactured of nequen; ropes, and sandals; in another place, the sweet maguey root, ready cooked, and various other things made from this plant. In another division of the market were exposed the skins of tigers, lions, jackals, otters, red deer, wild cats, and of other beasts of prey, some of which were tanned. In another place were sold beans and sage, with other herbs and vegetables. A particular market was assigned for the merchants in fowls, turkeys, ducks, rabbits, hares, deer, and dogs; also for fruit-sellers, pastry-cooks, and tripe-sellers. If I had to enumerate every thing singly, I should not so easily get to the end. And yet I have not mentioned the paper, which in this country is called amatl; the tubes filled with liquid amber and tobacco; the various sweet-scented salves, and similar things; nor the various seeds which were exposed for sale in the porticoes of this market, nor the medicinal herbs. In this market-place there were also courts of justice, to which three judges and several constables were appointed, who inspected the goods exposed for sale. I had almost forgotten to mention the salt, and those who made the flint knives; also the fish, and a species of bread made of a kind of mud or slime collected from the surface of this lake, and eaten in that form, and has a similar taste to our cheese. Further, instruments of brass, copper, and tin; cups, and painted pitchers of wood: indeed, I wish I had completed the enumeration of all this profusion of merchandise. The variety was so great that it would occupy more space than I can well spare to note them down in. On quitting the market, we entered the spacious yards which surround the chief temple. These appeared to encompass more ground than the market-place at Salamanca, and were surrounded by a double wall, constructed of stone and lime: these yards were paved with large white flag-stones, extremely smooth; and where these were wanting, a kind of brown plaster had been used instead, and all was kept so very clean that there was not the smallest particle of dust or straw to be seen any where. Before we mounted the steps of the great temple, Motecusuma, who was sacrificing on the top to his idols, sent six papas and two of his principal officers to conduct Cortes up the steps. There were 114 steps to the summit; and, as they feared that Cortes would experience the same fatigue in mounting as Motecusuma had, they were going to assist him by taking hold of his arms. Cortes, however, would not accept of their proffered aid. When we had reached the summit of the temple, we walked across a platform where many large stones were lying, on which those who were doomed for sacrifice were stretched out. Near these stood a large idol, in the shape of a dragon, surrounded by various other abominable figures, with a quantity of fresh blood lying in front of it. Motecusuma himself stepped out of a chapel, in which his cursed gods were standing, accompanied by two papas, and received Cortes and the whole of us very courteously. "Ascending this temple, Malinche," said he to our commander, "must certainly have fatigued you!" Cortes, however, assured him, through our interpreters, that it was not possible for any thing to tire us. Upon this the monarch took hold of his hand and invited him to look down and view his vast metropolis, with the towns which were built in the lake, and the other towns which surrounded the city. Motecusuma also observed, that from this place we should have a better view of the great market. from the articles found in the wardrobe of the unfortu The splendour of the Mexican kings may be gathered nate Motecusuma, which was afterwards sent to Spain, along with 88,000 pesos in bars of gold. The wardrobe was a valuable present, and well worthy of our great emperor's acceptance, as it contained jewels and various other precious stones, which I should not like of the most precious kind, pearls of the size of hazel nuts, to enumerate singly, even if my memory would allow me. At the same time were sent the bones of the giants which bones which were previously given to us by the Tlascalwe found in the temple of Cojohuacan, similar to those lans, and which we had sent to Spain on a former occa sion. have now forgotten by name, were likewise shipped on Three tigers, and several other curiosities, which I board these two vessels. A fundamental tenet of the new religion which the Spaniards had substituted for the ancient paganism of Mexico, was, the utmost reverence to the priests, and abject prostration to the insignia of the Catholic worship. Bernal Diaz thus describes the religious condition of the Indians before he left them. After we had abolished idolatry and other abominations from among the Indians, the Almighty blessed our endeavours, and we baptized the men, women, and all the children born after the conquest, whose souls would otherwise have gone to the infernal regions. With the assistance of God, and by a good regulation of our most Christian monarch, of glorious memory, Don Carlos, and of his excellent son Don Philip, our most happy and invincible king, to whom may God grant a long life and an increase of territory, several pious monks of different orders arrived in New Spain, who travelled from place to place, preached the gospel to the inhabitants, and baptized new-born infants. It was also a great blessing for the Indians that the monks taught them to say their prayers in their own language, and frequently to repeat them. The monks have altogether so accustomed them to reverence every thing relating to religion, that they never pass by any altar or cross without falling down on their knees and repeating a Pater Noster or an Ave Maria. We also taught the Indians to make wax lights for the holy ser vice, for, previous to our arrival, they made no manner of use of their wax. We taught them to be so obedient and respectful to the monks and priests, that whenever one of these religious men approach a township the bells are rung, and the inhabitants go out to meet him with wax-lights in their hands; and they always give him a hospitable reception. We have imbibed so much of Mr. Lockhart's admiration for this work as to be unwilling to part with it thus summarily. But our readers are already aware of the important events to which it is devoted; and the style in which they are treated is sufficiently indicated by the extracts which we have given. We therefore take leave of Bernal Diaz, offering Mr. Lockhart hearty thanks for this addition to what is at once solid and highly popular literature. In justice to Mr. Lockhart, we must copy the concluding sentence of his preface,-" With regard to the translation, which is from the old edition printed at Madrid in 1632, we have acted up to the author's desire, and have neither added nor taken any thing away, and have attempted to follow the original as closely as possible." Memoirs of the House of Commons, from the Convention Parliament of 1688-9, to the passing of the Reform Bill in 1832. By W. Charles Townsend, Esq. A.M. Recorder of Macclesfield. Vol. II. London: Colburn. Mr. Townsend's second volume comprises biographical sketches of the great lawyers who have figured in the arena of the House of Commons; the proceedings of the House in its corrective capacity, whether in summary punishments for breach of privilege, or in the more imposing but often less effective process of impeachment; and a review of the internal economy of the House, including its characteristics at various periods; the method of transacting business, the character of the oratory displayed in it, &c. The subject is ample and interesting: it would be difficult to string together a set of facts connected with the history of that body which has been the depositary of our constitutional rights, which would not be of interest. Mr. Townsend tells his story well; he is, what the writer of such a book perhaps ought to be, fonder of personal anecdotes and characteristics, than of profound constitutional investigations. He is occasionally ambitious, seeking, after the model of Mr. Macaulay, to draw a glowing picture of some great scene in history, surrounded by brilliant reflections and apt associations; but we prefer the clear simplicity of his less aspiring narrative. He is a strenuous whig partisan, yet we find him dealing justice both laudatory and penal, independently of his prepossessions. He does not spare Walpole, the great high priest of the old Whigs; and he holds, what we have often felt, that it is impossible not to suspect the source from which he surrounded himself with the glories of his princely mansion, when we keep in view the quantity of public money that passed without check through his hands, and his contempt for all professions of political honesty. We extract the following short anecdote on the mysterious operation of naming a member, premising, that though it may amuse our readers, it cannot appear to them in nearly so ludicrous an aspect as it did to ourselves when we found it with all gravity narrated by Hatsell as one of his "precedents of Parliament." There is a story current of the Speaker, Arthur Onslow, who, in his anxiety to tighten the lax bands of discipline, used to fulminate in deepest baritone the threat of naming the disorderly member, "Order, sir, I will name you presently, order: order; I will name The geographical position of St. Lucia, as the key to the Gulf of Mexico, gives it more importance than it derives from its productiveness, though its natural resources are considerable. It is the only one of the West India colonies which has not found historians; and this want, which he deprecates, Mr. Breen has efficiently supplied. He has given a systematic history of the island, from the time of its discovery, and through the various political changes which it has undergone. He has described its social and religious condition, its educational and other institutions; and, while he expatiates upon its natural advantages, he has not failed to point out its wants and defects. St. Lucia labours under two evils, an unhealthy climate; and the curse of a Babel gibberish, spoken by the coloured inhabitants, which effectually shuts up the avenues to their mental improvement. The overflowing religious zeal of the St. Lucians, whether Catholic or Protestant, is not, we fear, altogether according to knowledge, and there is a lamentable want of the means of education among all classes. Mr. Breen's history will, we trust, be the means of drawing attention to the wants of this colony. We must now give a specimen of his work; and we select a part of his description of the manners and customs of the islanders: partake in a great measure of the diversity and conThe manners, customs, and language of the inhabitants fusion which characterise the population itself; and in spite of the amalgamating influence of recent changes, the social habitudes of English and French, European and Creole, continue to display their various shades of dissimilarity. A great obstacle to improvement arises from a difference of opinion, as to whether strangers, on their arrival, should visit the residents, or receive that mark of politeness from them in the first instance. The former mode is insisted on by the French, as being conformable to the established usages of France; and the latter is adhered to by the English, in accordance with the acknowledged ceremonial of English society. This vexed question was never worth half the wit and arguments that have been expended upon it; and I am happy to observe that the French are giving way to what must be considered the more rational practice. A difference of language has contributed not a little to foster this difference of usage. It is but justice, how. ever, to the ladies to state, that whenever they can meet, on English or French ground, without the aid of an interpreter, a mutual disposition is evinced to waive all frivolous points of etiquette. The want of social enjoyments, so generally observable in the West Indies, is sensibly felt in St. Lucia; less perhaps on account of the circumscribed circle of its society, than of the conflicting elements of which that society is composed. Of course, the divisions of colour, and class, and language, and even political antagonism, have their share in widening the breach; but its principal cause is the rage for devotional practices, which of late years has taken possession of the whole female population, both white and coloured. Thus, in addition to the divisions of caste, we now have a division of sex. The males and females are severed, as it were, into two hostile camps; and while the gentlemen assemble in the stores to discuss politics and pickles, the ladies repair to their coteries to dilate on salvation and scandal. In a word, dress and devotion are the order of the day the all-engrossing topics of female society; and both are so harmoniously blended that the greatest dérote is often the greatest coquette. As, however, with the exception of an occasional ball, the opportunities for exhibiting their love of dress are limited to the ceremonies of the Church; so, on those occasions, it is no unusual sight to see hundreds of fashionably-attired females in the town of Castries, out of a population of 4,000 souls. Never perhaps was religion so emphatically the handmaid of commerce never were the interests of the one so ously promoted by the votaries of the other. CREOLE WOMEN. invested with a political character; and their occasions! allusions to English and French, Republicans and Buonapartists, would seem to confirm this impression. Their connexion with politics must have ceased at the termination of the struggle between England and France, from which period their rivalry has been confined to dancing and other diversions. We regret to say, that neither the religious zeal of the ladies, nor of the Catholic priesthood, has produced in St. Lucia that improvement in morals which, according to late reports, has taken place in the other West India islands since the emancipation of the slaves. The Works of William E. Channing, D.D. Vol. VI. Third Edition. Pp. 453. Glasgow: James Hedderwick & Son. This volume concludes the Glasgow, or the best and only complete edition, of Channing's works. It would be superfluous at this time of day to expatiate on the talents of this eloquent writer, or on their uniform devotion to the highest uses of humanity-to making individuals and nations wiser and better. This volume consists of reprints of such short pieces of Dr. Channing as appeared from time to time during the latter years of his life. Among the eight pieces which form the volume are, The Discourse on the Life and Character of the Rev. Joseph Tuckerman, D.D.—The Present Age—The Duty of the Free States, Parts I. and II.-The Address on the Emancipation of the Slaves in the West Indian Islands, and a discourse, entitled The Church, which is, we imagine, new to British readers. But the most instrenu-teresting feature of the volume is an introductory essay or key to his whole works, which was written by Charning shortly before his death, and which is richly embued with his spirit. From this essay, we select one passage, illustrative of some of his peculiar opinions concerning the relations subsisting between finite man and the infinite Creator; and another, an eloquent deprecation of war, which we should be glad to see making the round of the newspapers, and taken into children's lesson-books:- The Creole women are a race apart; and, as far as I am able to judge, are not inferior to those of any country for elegance of form, gracefulness of carriage, suavity of temper, and buoyancy of disposition. To them may be truly applied Lord Byron's description of the Italian woman: Heart on her lips, and soul within her eyes, Soft as her clime, and sunny as her skies. Dancing, with its train of airy and gaysome evclutions, is the idol passion of the fair Creole; and in no place or position do her delicate beauty and exquisite loveliness appear to greater advantage than amidst the attractions and superficial excitement of the ball-room. Even the dance itself is not with her what it is in the more extended circles of European society a thing of attitudes and gestures-a round of skimming and shuffling. Here it is all gravity and decorum there, nothing but flutter and frivolity. In France it is the wild creation of fashionable extravagance; between the tropics, a chastened and rational exercise, which is often carried to the utmost extent, without infringing any of the decencies of life. Amongst the lower orders the dance exercises a still greater influence. Not satisfied with aping those above them in finery and dress, the Negroes carry their love of dancing to the most extravagant pitch-much too extravagant, perhaps, for their means. ROSES AND MARGUERITES. In order to gratify their propensity for dancing, the Negroes have formed themselves into two divisions, or "societies," under the somewhat fantastic style of "Roses" and "Marguerites." These "societies" exist by immemorial usage in the French colonies, and are still to be found in more or less activity in St. Lucia, Dominica, and Trinidad. The history of the Antilles is involved in such total obscurity in all that concerns the black population, that it would be impossible at the present time to trace the origin of the Roses and Marguerites. It appears that at one period they were From the direction which theology has taken, it has been thought that to ascribe any thing to man was to detract so much from God. The disposition has beea, to establish striking contrasts between man and God, and not to see and rejoice in the likeness between them. It has been thought, that to darken the creation was the way to bring out more clearly the splendour of the Creator. The human being has been subjected to a stera criticism. It has been forgotten that he is as yet an infant, new to existence, unconscious of his powers; and he has been expected to see clearly, walk firmly, and act perfectly. Especially in estimating his transgressions, the chief regard has been had, not to his finite nature and present stage of development, but to the infinity of the being against whom he has sinned; so that God's greatness, instead of being made a ground of hope, has been used to plunge man into despair. DEPRECATION OF WAR. I will advert to one topic more, and do it briefly, that I may not extend these remarks beyond reasonable bounds. I have written once and again on War, a hackneyed subject, as it is called, yet, one would think, too terrible ever to become a commonplace. Is this insanity never to cease? At this moment, whilst I write, two of the freest and most enlightened nations, having one origin, bound together above all others by mutual dependence, by the interweaving of interests, are thought by some to be on the brink of war. False notions of national honour, as false and unholy as those of the duellist, do most toward fanning this fire. Great nations, like great boys, place their honour in resisting insult and |