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counties, to which his party was principally indebted for its victory over the King.

In the early part of 1643, the shires lying in the neighbourhood of London, which were devoted to the cause of the Parliament, were incessantly annoyed by Rupert and his cavalry. Essex had extended his lines so far that almost every point was vulnerable. The young prince who, though not a great general, was an active and enterprising partisan, frequently surprised posts, burnt villages, swept away cattle, and was again at Oxford before a force sufficient to encounter him could be assembled.

The languid proceedings of Essex were loudly condemned by the troops. All the ardent and daring spirits in the parliamentary party were eager to have Hampden at their head. Had his life been prolonged, there is every reason to believe that the supreme command would have been entrusted to him. But it was decreed that, at this conjuncture, England should lose the only man who united perfect disinterestedness to eminent talents, the only man who, being capable of gaining the victory for her, was incapable of abusing that victory when gained.

In the evening of the seventeenth of June, Rupert darted out of Oxford with his cavalry on a predatory expedition. At three in the morning of the following day, he attacked and dispersed a few parliamentary soldiers who lay at Postcombe. He then flew to Chinnor, burned the village, killed or took all the troops who were quartered there, and prepared to hurry back with his booty and his prisoners to Oxford.

Hampden had, on the preceding day, strongly represented to Essex the danger to which this part of the line was exposed. As soon as he received intelligence of Rupert's incursion, he sent off a horseman with a message to the General. The cavaliers, he said, could return only by Chiselhampton Bridge. A force ought to be instantly despatched in that direction for the purpose of intercepting them. În the meantime, he resolved to set out with all the cavalry that he could muster, for the purpose of impeding the march of the enemy till Essex could take measures for cutting off their retreat. A considerable body of horse and dragoons volunteered to follow him. He was not their commander. He did not even belong to their branch of the service. But "he was," says Lord Clarendon, "second to none but the General himself in the observance and application of all men.” On the field of Chalgrove he came up with Rupert. A fierce skirmish ensued. In the first charge, Hampden was struck in the shoulder by two bullets, which broke the bone, and lodged in his body. The troops of the Parliament lost heart and gave way. Rupert, after pursuing them for a short time, hastened to cross the bridge, and made his retreat unmolested to Oxford.

Hampden, with his head drooping, and his hands leaning on his horse's neck, moved feebly out of the battle. The mansion which had been inhabited by his father-in-law, and from which in his

youth he had carried home his bride Elizabeth, was in sight. There still remains an affecting tradition that he looked for a moment towards that beloved house, and made an effort to go thither to die. But the enemy lay in that direction. He turned his horse towards Thame, where he arrived almost fainting with agony. The surgeonsdressed his wounds. But there was no hope. The pain which he suffered was most excruciating. But he endured it with admirable firmness and resignation. His first care was for his country. He wrote from his bed several letters to London concerning public affairs, and sent a last pressing message to the head-quarters, recommending that the dispersed forces should be concentrated. When his public duties were performed, he calmly prepared himself to die. He was attended by a clergyman of the Church of England, with whom he had lived in habits of intimacy, and by the chaplain of the Buckinghamshire Green-coats, Dr. Spurton, whom Baxter describes as a famous and excellent divine.

A short time before his death the sacrament was administered to him. He declared that, though he disliked the government of the Church of England, he yet agreed with that church as to all essential matters of doctrine. His intellect remained unclouded. When all was nearly over, he lay murmuring faint prayers for himself, and for the cause in which he died. "Lord Jesus," he exclaimed, in the moment of the last agony, "receive my soul. O Lord, save my country. O Lord, be merciful to --." In that broken ejaculation passed away his noble and fearless spirit.

He was buried in the parish church of Hampden. His soldiers, bareheaded, with reversed arms and muffled drums and colours, escorted his body to the grave, singing, as they marched, that lofty and melancholy psalm in which the fragility of human life is contrasted with the immutability of Him to whom a thousand years are as yesterday when it is passed, and as a watch in the night.

The news of Hampden's death produced as great a consternation in his party, according to Clarendon, as if their whole army had been cut off. The journals of the time amply prove that the Parliament and all its friends were filled with grief and dismay. Lord Nugent has quoted a remarkable passage from the next Weekly Intelligencer. "The loss of Colonel Hampden goeth near the heart of every man that loves the good of his king and country, and makes some conceive little content to be at the army now that he is gone. The memory of this deceased colonel is such, that in no age to come but it will more and more be had in honour and esteem; a man so religious, and of that prudence, judgment, temper, valour, and integrity, that he hath left few his like behind."

He had indeed left none his like behind him. There still remained, indeed, in his party, many acute intellects, many eloquent tongues, many brave and honest hearts. There still remained a rugged and clownish soldier, half fanatic, half buffoon, whose talents, discerned as yet only by one penetrating eye, were equal to all the highest duties of the soldier and the prince. But in Hampden,

and in Hampden alone, were united all the qualities which, at such a crisis, were necessary to save the State, the valour and energy of Cromwell, the discernment and eloquence of Vane, the humanity and moderation of Manchester, the stern integrity of Hale, the ardent public spirit of Sydney. Others might possess the qualities which were necessary to save the popular party in the crisis of danger; he alone had both the power and the inclination to restrain its excesses in the hour of triumph. Others could conquer; he alone could reconcile. A heart as bold as his brought up the cuirassiers who turned the tide of battle on Marston Moor. As skilful an eye as his watched the Scotch army descending from the heights over Dunbar. But it was when to the sullen tyranny of Laud and Charles had succeeded the fierce conflict of sects and factions, ambitious of ascendency and burning for revenge, it was when the vices and ignorance which the old tyranny had generated threatened the new freedom with destruction, that England missed the sobriety, the self-command, the perfect soundness of judgment, the perfect rectitude of intention, to which the history of revolutions furnishes no parallel, or furnishes a parallel in Washington alone.

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INDEX.

·:0:-

A.

Alfieri, Parallel between, and Cowper, 196.
Eschylus, a lyric poet, 9; his gods and
demons, 16.

Allegro and Penseroso, Milton's, 8.
Ariosto, his fairy story, 25.

B.

Baxter's testimony to Hampden's excel-
lence, 251.

Belphegor, The novel of, 57.
Book of the Church, 136.
Borgia, 58.

Boswell, his life of Johnson, 206; charac-
ter of the work, 219; his character, 219.
Brahmin, A pious, 166.

British public, its periodical fits of morality,
185.

Bunyan, John, The Pilgrim's Progress,
Southey's edition, 239; his history, mind,
and character, 245.

Burke, his speech on reform, 129; his under-
standing and conduct, 133-

Byron, Lord, his life by Moore, 182.
Byron, Lady, 184.

C.

Capuchins, their subtility, 2.
Casina of Plautus, 56.

Charles I., the resistance of the people, 20;

his advocates, 23, 91; his execution de-
fended by Milton, 26; his consent to
Strafford's death, 89; his attempt to seize
the five members, 90; his character, 89;
his fall, 105; his execution condemned,
105; his death, 107.

Christian Utopia, Southey's, 141.
Church of England, whence sprung, 81; its
convocation a source of trouble to the
government, 82.

Churchill, his history, 119.

Clarendon, Lord, his history, 20; his re-

putation, 120; Nugent's Memorials, his
character of Hampden, 252.

Clement the Seventh, patron of Machia-
velli's works, 40.

Clizia, Machiavelli's, 56.

Comus, Milton's, 8, 10.

Comedies, Machiavelli's, 53.

Constitutional History of England, Hal-

lam's, 69.

Correspondence between Laud and Straf-
ford, 102.

Correspondence, Political, of Machia-
velli, 57;.

Cowley, dictum of Denham's concerning
him, 2; his lack of imagination, 6.
Cowper, the forerunner of the great resto-
ration of our literature, 196; his fear of
moving a sneer at Bunyan,
Cranmer, his character, 77.

Croker, his edition of Boswell's Johnson,
206; his blunders, 207.

Cromwell, parallel instituted between
Napoleon, 109; the execution of Charles,
105; dispatch of gentlemen as slaves to
Barbadoes, 114.

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Glendoveer, Southey's, 136.

Governments, The wisdom of, 146.
Greece, its history, the best commentary
upon that of Italy, 46.

Greek drama, whence sprung, 9.
Guelfs, their success greatly derived from
ecclesiastical power, 42.

H.

Hallam, Henry, his constitutional history of
England, 69; his qualifications as an his-
torian, 70; the peculiarities of his style,
70; his mind and style in sympathy,
71; testimony to the impartiality of his
book, 71; passing of the laws against
Catholics, 73; the character of Cran-
mer, 77; the compromise from which
the Church of England sprung, 81; the
proceedings of the third parliament of
Charles, 82; the impeachment of Straf-
ford, 83; the conduct of Hampden, 83;
the Long Parliament, 89; Charles I., 89;
the nineteen propositions of parliament,
99; the veto on the appointment of
ministers, 100; parliament demanding
control over the army, 100; Archbishop
Laud and his correspondence with Straf-
ford, 102; the destruction of the King's
armies, 105; his execution, 105; the abili-
ties of Charles, 106; his death, 107; par-
allel between Cromwell and Napoleon,
109; the despatch of gentlemen as slaves
to Barbadoes, 114; the reputation of
Clarendon, 120.

Hampden, his conduct in affairs of ship-

money, 83; his memorials, his party,
and his times, by Lord Nugent, 249; his
private life and character, 250; Baxter's
opinion of him, 251; the story of his early
life, 251; his first appearance in Parlia-
ment, 252; a member for Wendover, 258;
committed a close prisoner to the Gate
House, 259; regains his freedom and
re-elected member for Wendover, 259;
correspondence relating to the two sons
of Sir John Eiliot, 261; his domestic
afflictions, 262; his refusal to pay the
assessment of ship money, 266; Straf-
ford's dislike to him, 267; his notions on
the subject of the King's Message, 267;
his person unsafe, 267; elected by two
constituencies for the Long Parliament,
271; his style as an orator, 272; on the
bill of attainder against Strafford, 272;
Clarendon's testimony, 273; his mission
to Scotland, 275; in the House of Lords,
277; his impeachment, 277; returned
again to the House, 280; how he raised
a regiment of infantry, 284; Hampden
and Essex against Rupert, 286; his death,
287.

Helvetius, Allusion to, 4.

Heath, Mr., his wood-cuts, 239.
Henry VII., political differences of his
reign, 126.

Henry VIII., an orthodox Catholic, 80.
Historical works of Machiavelli, 65.

Hume, his history, 20.
Hutchinson, Mrs., 19.

I.

Italians, Portraits of, 52.

Italy, the history of Greece, the best com-
mentary upon it, 46.

J.

James I., his personal hatred of the Puri-
tans, 81.

Job, The book of, its conduct and diction, 9.
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, LL.D., Boswell's Life

of, by Croker, 206; the disappointing
nature of the work, 206; Croker's blun-
ders and scandalous inaccuracy, 207;
Boswell as the first of biographers, 219;
Johnson grown old, 223; condition of
men of letters when Johnson arrived in
London, 223; the peculiarities of literary
characters, 225; Johnson's figure, con-
stitution, temper, and habits, 227; the
characteristic peculiarity of his intellect,
229; his sentiments on religious subjects,
230; his dislike of the cant of patriotism,
231; his judgments on books, 232; on
men and manners, 234; his remarks on
society, 234; his visit to the Hebrides,
236; the characteristic faults of his style,
237; his singular destiny, 239; his praise
of the Pilgrim's Progress, 241.

L.

Labouring classes three centuries ago,
158.

Laud, the shameful origin of his history,
78; his correspondence with Strafford,

102.

Lemon, Mr., his discovery of Milton's Essay
on the Doctrines of Christianity, I.
Ludlow, Performance of, 20.

M.

Macaulay, Catherine, 20.

Machiavelli, his Works by Périer, 38; the
odious terms in which his name and
works are described, 38; his imprisonment
in the cause of public liberty, 39; various
suppositions concerning the author's
motives, 39; his elevation of sentiment
and zeal for the public good, 40; his
contemporaries' high estimate of his
works and person, 40; state of moral
feeling among Italians of his time, 41;
his character a collection of contradic-
tions, 51; the unfairness of his policy
and the fairness of his intellect, 52; his
place as a poet, 53; his comedies, 53:
his knowledge of the dramatic art, 55;
his novel of Belphegor," 57; his poli-

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