his feelings, connexions, and views, and to lest his influence would be exerted injuriousisolate himself from his sister the Duchess of ly, that is to say, politically so, over the Kent, from his niece the Princess Victoria, minds of the Duchess of Kent and her now the Queen of England, and from a va-daughter. That he confirmed them in Whig riety of friends and relations of the highest tendencies is probable, but that he ever imrank, and endeared to him by the brightest souvenirs. properly interfered in their decisions, I do not believe. He was convinced that the political school of Pitt, North, Liverpool, Eldon, and other great and noble men, saviours of their country in the most troublous and diffi The Prince Leopold at first consented to accept the sceptre of Greece. Of this there can be no doubt; but the acceptance was not absolute it was to depend on circum-cult times, had passed away; and when he stances. Those circumstances were of a beheld such men as the Duke of Wellington two-fold character, those which were pecu- and Sir Robert Peel bringing forward the niary and those which were family and po- concessions they did in Ireland on the sublitical. The pecuniary arrangements were ject of emancipation, it is not to be wondered not effected without difficulty, and were not at that this fact, combined with the prompt accomplished in such a manner as to please acknowledgment of the government of the and satisfy the prince. Events have since barricades at Paris by the court of St. James's, shown with what excellent sense he foresaw should have satisfied him that a great change the financial difficulties of the country he was had and would take place in the government invited to govern; for although undoubtedly of the country. under his wise and prudent rule those The death of George IV. could not fail of finances would not have been in so pitiable affecting the Prince Leopold; but the Revoa position as they are at present, still the lution of 1830 in France, and all the events financial resources of Greece are not of such at Brussels, Germany, Spain, Portugal, and a character as to satisfy thoughtful and serious Italy, followed with such rapidity, that there minds that they will be adequate to meet the was no time even for grief, none for comdemands upon them, not simply for the cur- ment, and but few for reflection. The hisrent expenses of government, but to meet the tory of the reign of George IV. is unparalcost of the revolution, and the debt incurred leled for brilliancy in that of any country to the public creditors, as well as to her allies. under heaven; but it was soon succeeded by Greece has actually broken her faith. Prince years of revolution abroad, and of bad WhigLeopold apprehended such a result. No Radical government at home. wonder, then, that he should require much The Revolution of 1830 in France soon. time to examine and reflect before he could spread its contagious influence into other bring his mind to consent to become King of countries, and Belgium was the first to catch Greece. Prince Leopold has been blamed the infection. This was not surprising. The for having consumed three months in negoti- policy of France had always been to induce ations. This blame is, however, unmerited. the Belgian priests to believe, feel, and proHis father-in-law's health had materially claim that the Belgians would never be hapchanged. His presence in England he felt py until they should once more become to be more necessary than in Greece. The united to that country, or be, at least, govrights and interests of his sister, the Duchess erned by the same crown. The rebel subof Kent, and of his niece, the Princess Vic-jects of the King of Holland divided their toria, became objects of vast solicitude. To alleged grievances into two classes, those him, both his sister and his niece were great- which were national, and those which were ly attached; and his prudence, calmness, moral. The national grievances were said wisdom, and virtue, gained for him the gold- to be,— en opinions of all men. That his tendencies became more Whig and less Conservative as the royal dukes, the sons of George III., gradually sunk into the grave, was a fact which many observed with regret; but in 1830 democracy was in the ascendency, and the contamination spread to public men, to courts, and to princes. The refusal of Prince Leopold to accept the throne of Greece disappointed his enemies. They had hoped to have "got rid of him." They were not sufficiently well acquainted with his character. They feared 1st. A heavy and undiminished taxation, notwithstanding a long and uninterrupted peace. 2d. The establishment of the high court of judicature at the Hague. 3d. The unfavorable ratio of national representation, in which the number of the Dutch members were equal to that of the Belgians, while the population of the country of the latter was to that of the former as two to one. And 4th. The expenses of the Indian war, part of which were borne by the Belgians, while the advantages of these possessions | plaints of his people to the deliberation of an were not generally acknowledged, or were extraordinary meeting of the states-general, considered unworthy the sacrifices incurred should have led to no satisfactory result. I am for their conservation. The moral grievances the Belgians proclaimed to be, 1st. An attempt on the part of the Dutch government to interfere in the education of the Catholic clergy. endeavoring, in concert with my allies, to devise such means of restoring tranquillity as may be compatible with the good government of the Netherlands, and with the future security of our states." The change which soon after occurred in the councils and policy of William IV. led to 2d. An attempt to force upon the Belgian that Whig-Radical accession to office in this nation the Dutch language, which was scarce- country which, as far as Prince Leopold was ly intelligible to the inhabitants of the two concerned, secured to him and his heirs the Flanders, and was an object of contempt and throne of Belgium. The affairs of that disgust to the majority of the Belgians accus-country obtained very different attention tomed to speaking and writing French. from the first-rate kingdoms of Europe. The 3d. The prosecutions instituted against Emperor of Russia invited the four other political writers, M. Potter and his associates, great powers to co-operate with him in bringwho were tried, and condemned to banish- ing the Belgian contest to a humane and ment, a measure which gave them the celeb- satisfactory close. The plenipotentiaries rity of devoted patriots. met. They decided, And, 4th, the preference given to the Dutch for filling all public offices in Belgium with Dutchmen, and not with Belgians. "That the events of the last four months had unhappily demonstrated that the perfect and complete amalgamation which the powers desired to effect between Holland and Belgium had not been obtained; that it would therefore the very object of the union of Holhenceforth be impossible to expect it; that land with Belgium was destroyed; and that it now became indispensable to have recourse to other arrangements to accomplish the intentions which the union in question was designed to carry into execution." I am not about to discuss these alleged grievances, because I am as sure as I am of my own existence, that the one great secret cause of the revolution of Brussels was the influence constantly exercised, from 1815 to 1830, by the Belgian priests over the minds and consciences of the people, always against the Protestant king of the Pays Bas, and always in favor of any arrangement whatever, In plain terms, the high monarchical govprovided the admirable King William could ernments of Europe, in order to preserve but be overthrown. In 1828 I was permitted peace, and to neutralize as much as possible to submit these opinions and facts to his ma- the effects of the French revolution of 1830, jesty the then king of the Low Countries. consented to abandon the Treaties of Vienna, That wise and good prince was unwilling to and to give up that "settlement of Europe" believe the mass of facts I had collected in which had cost Europe hecatombs of victims confirmation of my views. He has since to accomplish and secure. Embarrassment, been graciously pleased to acknowledge that dissatisfaction, and jealousy, of course, my anticipations of revolution and violence, lengthened out the proceedings, until the of ingratitude and rebellion, have been most word "protocol" signified in general parabundantly confirmed. lance " protracted consultation and indeterThe "parody" revolution at Brussels minate conclusion." gave more trouble to kings, prime minis- During the whole of the agitation with reters, and diplomatists, than did that of Paris, spect to the Reform-bill in Great Britain, of which it was the stupid and slavish copy. Prince Leopold conducted himself with his "The Conference of London" will long be usual prudence and propriety. Although his remembered in the annals of diplomacy, partialities were well known, his proceedings and never did any statesman exhibit more were delicate and well considered. His senskill and prudence than did Prince Talley- timents were invariably expressed with moderand, in the arrangement, from time to ration, and he deprecated the violent lantime, of the memorable "protocols." Of guage and the still more violent acts of all the revolution in question, William IV. said, in addressing his parliament,— "I have witnessed with deep regret the state of affairs in the Low Countries. I lament that the enlightened administration of the king should not have preserved his dominions from revolt; and that the wise and prudent measure of submitting the desires and com disturbers of the public peace. The same conduct was pursued by his royal highness during the elections of 1831, when the sudden dissolution of parliament was followed by the most violently contested elections ever witnessed in the British Isles. The Belgians first offered the crown of their country to the Duke de Nemours, now on a visit to Her Majesty Queen Victoria with] views as to the advancement of his own his accomplished and amiable duchess. The family. He had long entertained a great votes for the duke were 97; for the Duke de respect for and confidence in the prince. Leuchtenberg, 74; and for the Archduke of His conduct as husband of the Princess Austria, 21. But that election was absurd. Charlotte, and as her disconsolate widower, Those who concurred in it were well aware had attracted also his attention, and increasof the fact that His Majesty Louis Philippe ed his respect; but Louis Philippe, at the had declared, both publicly and privately, moment he pressed the Prince Lecpold to that should the election terminate in favor of accept the crown of Belgium, sought rather his son, he would not consent to accept the to secure a friendly prince for the throne of offer. At that period the King of the French that country, and a real and not nominal was happy in knowing that he possessed a neutrality in the case of war. son, the Duke of Orleans, who would in all At length, on Saturday the 16th of July, probability succeed him on the throne of 1831, the prince left London for Brussels, France. But since that period events of a where he made his public entry on Thursday most memorable and melancholy character the 21st; and, in sight of the assembled peohave transpired. The Duke of Orleans is ple, took the oath to observe the constitution, dead. The Duke de Nemours is now the re- and to maintain the national independence gent of France in the event of the decease and integrity. Immediately after the elevaof Louis Philippe prior to the young Count tion of Prince Leopold, a formal protest was de Paris coming of age. If the King of the made against the matter by the King of HolFrench had accepted the throne of Belgium land, who followed up his act by open war. for his son the Duke de Nemours, this satis- In less than a month after the entrance of factory and admirable arrangement could not King Leopold the Dutch troops, under the have been effected. No son of the King of command of the Prince of Orange, seconded the French would have been so well adapted by the Duke of Saxe Weimar, appeared on as the Duke de Nemours for the all-impor- the frontiers, and a battle ensued, when the tant post of Regent. His calm and thought- recreant Belgians betrayed the most abject ful mind; his deep reading; his Conserva- cowardice, abandoned their king on the field tive sentiments; his accurate knowledge of of battle, and ingloriously fled. The brave France, her history, and her wants; the King Leopold, however, escaped, and returnlight in which he is regarded by all European ed, overwhelmed with chagrin, to his capital, sovereigns, and by the aristocracy of his own from whence he was obliged to send expresscountry, are all circumstances most favor-es to the French and English courts demandable to him, and indicate him as "the" man, and "the" prince for the post of regent. Yet this arrangement would have been impossible had Louis Philippe accepted for him the throne of Belgium. ing succor. The former despatched 50,000 men to his assistance; and the Whig-Radicals ordered a squadron to the Downs to be ready to act under Admiral Codrington, to watch the movements of the Dutch, and to Disappointed by the decision of Louis prevent their entrance into the Scheldt. Philippe, the Belgians elected Prince Leopold There are two facts connected with the conof Saxe Coburg Saalfeld. Ten members tending princes in this great conflict which of the congress proceeded to London to an- must strike every mind before whom they nounce the important decision to his royal are brought. The first is, that the two prinhighness. He was not wholly unprepared ces, William of Orange and Leopold of Saxe for the offer; but the aversion entertained by Coburg, had been rivals for the affections of the Duchess of Kent to his acceptance of England's lamented heiress, and competitors that throne, since it would remove her illus- in the field of battle for the throne of Belgium. trious brother from her circle and society, And the second is, that whilst the King of led him at first rather to decline than to ac- Great Britain, William IV., espoused the cept the proposal. But Louis Philippe, who, cause of Leopold, the brother of his royal whilst he had declined the throne of Bel- consort (now the Queen Dowager of Enggium for his son, was by no means indif- land) was actually fighting by the side of the ferent to who should become its possessor, Prince of Orange! Such are the contradicnow pressed on the prince not to refuse the tions, absurdities, and eccentricities, which crown; and urged, by means of his ambas- must take place, when treaties are allowed to sador at the court of London, on all the rep-be violated with impunity by the very monresentatives of the great powers, to entreat him to accept the proffered honor. Louis Philippe, in making this arrangement, had not, I firmly believe, any direct or indirect archs who affixed their signatures to them. The measures taken in 1832 by the WhigRadical government of England, in concert with France, in order to obtain the evacuation of Antwerp Citadel by the Dutch, were such | up in the Romish religion. I know it is urged as REGINA could not, and still cannot, approve. that the Belgians are Romanists. But the The noble General Chassé defended himself answer is, still Leopold is a Protestant. It is, with valor and covered his name with glory. indeed, retorted, that though under the pecuBut might triumphed over right; and in May, liar circumstances in which Belgium was 1833, a preliminary treaty was signed by the placed when she elected Lecpold as her king, plenipotentiaries of England, France, and she consented to adept him, though he was a Holland, in consequence of which the em- Protestant, and in spite of his being so, it is bargo was taken off Dutch vessels in the ports not natural to suppose that permanently the of England and France, the Dutch garrison Romish priesthood would have been satisfied released from imprisonment in France, and with such an hereditary arrangement. the navigation of the Scheldt was thrown open. This is, however, another of the consequences of revolutions, elective monarchies, and the triumph of democracy. The true principle of security to thrones and people, to power and to liberty, is the hereditary principle, and when once that is viclated or infringed, there is an end of all certainty, of all peace, and of all order. Since that period slow and measured have been the steps taken by the King of the Belgians to obtain a final arrangement between the two countries, not merely of a territorial, but of a commercial and political character. Several years have been occupied with negotiations, and often they have been broken off I have done. Belgium is prosperous and altogether; but, added to all his other quali- happy, to an extent almost unparalleled in her ties, King Leopold has, in a very great degree, history. And, with all my heart and soul, I the virtue of patience, and has steadily perse- wish long life and much happiness to Leopold vered, until the final arrangements between I. the King of the Belgians. Holland and Belgium are about to be concluded. The accession of his niece Queen Victoria to the throne of Great Britain was an event which filled him with no ordinary joy. His family was evidently raised by it to great importance; his own consequence, which is a matter of no secondary magnitude to a small and neutral power, has been increased; the respect and deference paid to him by other powers have augmented; and his subjects have likewise felt that their own sovereign is allied to one of the most formidable of the world. The marriage of King Leopold to the eldest daughter of the King of the French, fair and beautiful, charming and interesting as she was, and still is, has been urged against the prince by some who have no consideration or thought. There was no reason upon earth why the widowed Leopold should for ever remain so. All that the most hallowed and sacred love could require, all that the most tender charities and sympathies could demand, all that the observances of the heart could require, had been kept by him. When, then, he accepted a throne, he accepted it with all its consequences; and one of those consequences was, that the throne should, if possible, be hereditary. It was indispensable, then, that he should marry, and the selection he made was one which honored his taste, and could not fail of being gratifying to his adepted country. It is, indeed, urged with more propriety and justice that a Protestant prince should not have consented to have the offspring of his marriage with Louisa of Orleans brought STORY OF THE LOST PLEIAD. BY CAMILLA TOULMIN. From Ainsworth's Magazine. SHINE on, proud sisters!-gem the sky, Sisters, believe my crown is not Strange, human love demands, they say, Sisters, my forfeit crown is not Too high a price for Love's sweet lot! Strange human love! None ever thinks, A forfeit for so high a lot! Then grieve not for my lowly choice, THE COMIC BLACKSTONE. From the London Charivari. than political liberty flourishes about us ; though, we confess, England has her share of it. Every slave who sets his foot on British ground is said to be free, which gave rise to a SECTION THE FIFTH.-ON THE ABSOLUTE RIGHTS bubble company for taking out earth to the Ha OF INDIVIDUALS. vannah in flower-pots from an English nurserygarden, for the slaves to stand upon and assert MUNICIPAL law is a rule of civil conduct, and their freedom. Unfortunately, the speculators, it is evident, therefore, that the omnibus cads and not the slaves, contrived to put their foot in pay very little regard to it. Its primary agents it. Slavery is, however, now abolished by Act are rights and wrongs; but it seems to have a of Parliament; but it extends to blacks, and not greater regard for wrongs than for rights-often to the white population, thus giving an opportugiving right to the wrong, and sometimes wrongnity to Coke-had he been alive to make the ing the right in the most palpable manner. Blackstone divides rights into the rights of persons and the rights of things; but the division is not approved, for it has been held that there are no rights of things-but surely boots are things, and there is always a right boot though the jurists insist that it is only the owner who has a personal right in it. pun-that the boon had been bestowed with a niggar-dly hand by the legislature. The history of the rise of our constitution is curious. It began with the great Charter, which the Barons wrested from John; but for the particulars of the wrestling match we refer to the sporting papers of the period. Henry the Third corroborated this statute, and other Rights are such as are due from a man and monarchs touched it up; which, considering the such as belong to him; but some things that be-fuss that has been made about it, savors of the long to one man are due to another, in which process of painting a lily, a proceeding that case it is hard to get at the right of it. Shakspeare is justly indignant at. Persons are either natural or artificial; but Charles the First edited a supplement, called the law does not regard a man as necessarily the Petition of Right, and Charles the Second artificial, because, like an actor, he pads his passed the Habeas Corpus Act, by which, calves; but a corporation is an artificial person-among other blessings, a debtor could change and here it would seem that stuffing has really something to do with the distinction. Absolute rights are such as belong to man in a state of nature, though absolute rights are often exercised by Eastern despots when in a state of ill-nature. Human laws are principally intended to protect absolute rights; but the laws often meddle with what seems absolutely right till there is nothing absolutely left of the original right, and absolute wrong is the consequence Natural liberty is the right inherent in all men at their birth; but this natural liberty is soon at an end, for restraint begins in the cradle. Each member of society gives up a portion of his own individual liberty, in consideration of receiving the advantages of mutual commerce, says Coke in his institutes; but he does not go on to tell us the commercial advantages enjoyed by a newly-born baby. This sort of modified power of action is called civil liberty, and any thing interfering with that is considered to be taking a liberty of a most uncivil kind with the freedom of the subject. Thus, the statute of Edward the Fourth, pro hibiting any but lords from wearing pikes on their shoes of more than two inches long, was considered to savor of oppression; but those who were in the habit of receiving from a lord more kicks than half-pence, would consider that the law in question savored of benevo lence. Mr. Locke has well observed, that where there is no law there is no freedom; but Mr. Levy, the sheriff's officer-who understands the force of lock-has observed tolerably well, that where there is a great deal of law there is often an infringement on liberty. "Political liberty flourishes in its highest vigor," says Salkeld, "in these realms;" but Salkeld flourishes more about political liberty his quarters to the Queen's Prison from Whitecross-street. Then came the Bill of Rights, drawn by the people, and accepted by William and Mary; which was followed by the Act of Settlement, relating to the crown, which, it would appear from this. the sovereigns had previously had on tick, and it was therefore not settled for. The Reform Act, which followed, may be called the act of unsettlement, on account of the changes that have ever since been called for. The rights of the person may be again divided into three; the right of security. by which a man has a right to be locked up in the stationhouse, if found drunk and incapable of taking care of himself; the right of personal liberty, by which a person may go wherever he pleases, if he has only the money necessary to pay the fare; and the right of private property enabling every man to keep what he has got when the Government has helped itself, through the medium of taxation, to all that it requires. The right of personal security consists in the legal enjoyment of life, limbs, health, and reputation-from which it would seem that a man may draw his breath and stretch his legs without impediment. A man's limbs are understood to be those members which are useful to him in fight; and these, says Glanvil, include "ye armes with whyche he may fyghte, and ye legges with whyche he may runne awaye, whychsoever may beste suitte his whymme at moment." ye In the eye of the law, the life and limbs of a man are of such value, that he may sacrifice the life and limbs of any one else in defending them. This, says Coke, is upon the good old English principle of tit for tat; but what is the origin of the word "tit," or what is the exact meaning of "tat," the old jurists have never told us. There is no man so poor and indigent but that he may |