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cal explanatioas. Our sole object is to present from an important work, very ponderous and not very accessible, a series of extracts of striking interest in themselves, and imbodying much curious portraiture of persons and of manners. The reader not generally acquainted with the times, will find a sufficient guide to them in any common French history at hand: the reader already versed in them, will thank us for a most re-ing that I did not love and had forgotten her, markable addition to his historical store.

would have suffered from it: wherefore I make end by commending myself humbly to your serene highness, invoking with respect a token of your goodness which may prove to me that the state has held my services acceptable. On quitting Venice, I left two daughters, since one was born eight months after my departure. The other, whom I parted with a child, I find grown so tall that she might pass for my sister. She appeared to me one night in a dream, complainand not only that I had done nothing to better her fortunes, but sought to render her more and According to Marino Giustiniano's estimate, more poor, and it seemed to me that I answered, the riches of Paris did not in this early halfMy daughter, such sums as I expend I do but of the sixteeenth century, equal those of Venice. The population was not so large, though was seen of it: since men, women, and children, masters and servants, were always at their doors or in the streets. circumference of the town was not greater, for it was easy to walk slowly round it in three hours. The parliament composed of one hundred and twenty counsellors divided in various classes, judged definitively such as appealed to its verdict from those of the provincial parliament.

more

The

"To be a counsellor a man must bear the title of doctor, which does not mean he must be

learned, since all these posts are for sale, the king giving them to his servitors, who make

deposit in the treasury of a kind and liberal master,' and I pointed to your serene highness. I added that your generosity and piety had often remunerated the zeal of your servants, and that you promised reward to those who were devoted to you, and this appeared to calm my daughter's agitation."

The next in order, Francesco Giustiniano, remained but a brief time ambassador. He also was in straitened circumstances: with a family to bring up, and a revenue of three hundred ducats only. We pass himself and to come to Marino Cavalli, ambassador in Tiepolo, though neither is without interest, 1546, a year before the death of Francis. To bear out his assertion that nothing is so useful to those who govern as a close inquiry into the institutions of other countries, he It would appear that the Venetian ambas- gives with even more detail than his predesadors were ill paid; and it is to their honor cessors, information geographical and comthat from these embassies they mostly re-mercial, and a history of France commencing turned impoverished. By all, the complaint with Pharamond. When he arrives in Paris is made: recurring in terms more or less we pause by his side. comic. We give as a curious specimen the close of Giustiniano's discourse, in his own words.

traffic of them in turns."

The

It numbered at this period 500,000 inhabitants, and was superior to all the cities of Europe. The work of its fortifications well "A short time after my arrival in Paris, the commenced, was continued only in times king departed for Marseilles; we traversed when their necessity seemed specially appathrough excessive heat the Lyonnais, Auvergne, rent, and it was the ambassador's opinion it and Languedoc, till we arrived in Provence. would never become a place of strength. The interview with the pope was so deferred, The university contained about 20,000 stuthat every one thinking it would take place in summer, we waited till November. The ambas- dents, and he judged the instruction given to sadors, who had carried with them only summer be solid and carefully administered. garments, were constrained to purchase others. salary paid to the professors was low and Returned to Paris and arrived in the hotel of my their duties irksome; still those posts were honorable predecessors, a stable caught fire, and greatly sought for, since the title of Master eleven horses with their harness were burned. I in Sorbonne was so honorable that they gainsaved my mule only, and my loss was of four ed in repute what they might not earn in hundred crowns. A second mishap occurred to me the same year. The king being on the point money. The Maitres en Sorbonne were inof departure, I was forced to purchase ten horses vested with authority to judge heretics, more, at a time when their price was raised ex- whom, says the writer, they punish by traordinarily, and having waited in vain for re- roasting alive.' His opinion of the state of mittances from your serene highness, I was the law, and the mode of conducting civil obliged to sell a part of my plate. During the processes in France, was far from favorable, five and forty months my embassy lasted, the and his advice is curious. Gourt never remained in the same place ten days following. All these removals caused heavy expenses, and not only I, who am as every one knows a poor gentleman, but the richest lords

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"They are," he says, never ending, so that the rich only can go to law, and even they get ill out of the scrape. A suit involving one thou

sand crowns, swallows, in law expenses, two thousand more, and lasts ten years. This, which would elsewhere seem intolerable, has had one happy consequence. The government paying the judges for their attendance during a limited number of hours, if each of the parties interested in the cause next to be heard will pay an additional crown, the judges remain an hour longer, and thus rid themselves of much business to the great content of all. I think our forty might do likewise. The cost to those who plead would be but of two ducats per hour, and they would be spared divers consultations, useless journeys, and outlay at places of entertainment; so that to them it would be an economy, while it delivered your serene highness and the republic from many tiresome cares and the prolongation of hatred and scandal."

infinite hope to the French, who console themselves for present ill by the thought of good to come. He is twenty-eight years old, of strong constitution, but of humor somewhat sad; not an apt speaker, but absolute in his replies, and fixed in his opinion. He is of ordinary intelligence, rather slow than prompt. He would fain have a footing in Italy, never having approved of the ceding Piedmont: therefore entertains well such Italians as are discontented with the present state of their country. He cares little for women, contenting himself with his wife, and the intimacy and conversation of the Seneschale de Normandie, a lady of eight-and-forty years. Many believe that this love, great as it is, is yet pure, as may be that between son and 'mother:' the said lady having taken upon her to instruct and admonish him, leading to thoughts and actions worthy a prince: and she has succeeded admirably, for, having been vain and a mocker, loving his wife little, and having other faults of youth, he has become another man."

Francis was at this time discontented with

Our next extracts bring us within the precincts of the court, and more closely acquainted with its members than either the free speech of Brantôme or the patience of L'Etoile have done, with those to whom they the pope, Paul III., who was favorably dismore immediately refer. At the date of 1546, posed towards the Emperor. Amity with the eldest son of Francis had died with some the Turk continued, but on unsure foundasuspicion of poison, but in reality of a disease tion. The German states were soothed to caused by youthful imprudence. The Duch-hold them apart from Spain; Scotland was ess of Etampes was all-powerful with the friendly, but powerless; peace with England king, Diana of Poitiers with the Dauphin. seemed doubtful; and Portugal had become Catherine de Medicis, accepted for the lat- a foe. The revenue, from various sources of ter's wife when there seemed no chance of his wearing the crown, neglected alike as a princess and a woman, at this time effectually concealed her hatred of the favorites, quietly accepted the nullity of the part allotted her, and won a character for timidity and want of ambition! She was cherishing the secret motto, 'I bide my time.'

We quote the portraits of Francis and Henry; it would be difficult to decide whether Cavalli's judgment of Diana of Poitiers is given frankly or as a courtier.

extortion, and chiefly from use and sale of matters connected with the church, had increased to four millions of golden crowns, but nowhere were the funds administered loyally.

"In the infantry only," says Cavalli, "the pay of soldiers never brought out is made away with by hundreds and thousands; the treasurers consent, having their share of the sums stolen. If all the guilty were hanged there would remain no treasurer in France, so deep-rooted is the evil."

"The king, Francis, is now fifty-four years of This is strong language, and we find furage, of aspect so royal that merely glancing at ther on a still deeper imputation. Francis him one would say, this is the king. He eats had discontented the republic by confiscatand drinks largely; he sleeps even better; he

An indemnity loves some degree of luxury in his dress, which ing two Venetian vessels. is embroidered and enriched with precious was at last promised, and was to consist, stones. His doublets are even worked and curiously enough, in ecclesiastical benewoven in gold. Like all other monarchs of fices. France, he has received from Heaven the singular gift of curing the evil. Even Spaniards flock hither to profit by this miraculous property. The ceremony takes place some solemn day, like Easter or Christmas, or the festivals of the Virgin the king first confesses and receives the sacrament, then makes the sign of the cross on the sick, saying, 'The king touches, may God cure thee.' If the sick were not restored, they would, doubtless, not flock hither from so far; and since the number augments always, we must believe that God takes this method to deliver the infirm, and to increase at the same time the dignity of the crown of France. The Prince Henry, who is now the dauphin, is a source of

"I would not," says the ambassador, "wound this ancient and noble nation, which has deserved well of your serene highness and the Christian republic, but I think it my duty to speak the whole truth as it presents itself from the evidence of facts, in order that when you have public or private dealings with France, you may secure yourself, as others have done, by better guarantees than lie in written acts or promises: reducing matters within such boundary, that either the pledges you may hold, or necessity, or utility to themselves and obvious to them, shall force them to keep their words."

Giovanni Capello, ambassador in 1554, in

troduces us to Henry II. as king; to Cathe-|ished with him; and the star of Catherine de rine de Medicis; and to the children she had Medicis was now at last burning forth, bright borne the king after being childless ten and baneful. We quote a description of the court of Charles IX.

years.

"I have spoken to you of the grandeur of the kingdom and the good qualities of the present "I will strive to be brief and precise in what king. The employment of his time cannot be concerns the government. It would be here the more wise, more useful and honorable. In sum- place to say something of the two kings, Henry mer he rises at dawn; in winter, by candlelight; II. and Francis II., with whom I was concerned commencing the day by praying in his closet, during my embassy. But as it has pleased whence he goes to the secret council; wherein Heaven to call them both unto himself, it is unthe Connétable, Messieurs de Guise, de Ven- necessary, since their memory exercises little or dome, and others, enter also. The adviser the no influence on the present state of affairs. I king most values is the Connétable, as well will say only that inasmuch as King Henry's from his age as his having ever been zealous and death was fatal and a presage of misfortune, so devoted. He goes thence to mass, assisting that of Francis was opportune and fortunate, I there devoutly, since he knows that all good might say happy, but for the pity every one bore comes from God, and that prayer obtains for us him-seeing him perish so miserably, not having a happy close to our undertakings: thus by his accomplished eighteen years. It may, I say, be example exciting his subjects to piety, and ren- called fortunate, not so much because this prince, dering himself worthy the title of most Christian though of good understanding, showed little King. After mass he dines, but with small ap- courage, as from the anxiety of every one to see petite, seeming more occupied with his thoughts another mode of government from the hatred than his necessities. After dinner, there is held borne the Guises. Forbearing then to speak of another council, but of less secret nature, the king these two dead kings, we turn to the present, rarely present, but spending this time in the named Charles IX. Child as he is, yet scarce study of letters, knowing that these bring with eleven years old, our ju gment must be formed them profit and ornament to princes. He also almost at hazard, yet it is likely to prove accurides much, as well to give gaiety to his temper rate, since his disposition is remarked to be adas health to his body. He is affable and cour- mirable, and promising all which can be sought teous, deigning to converse even with the hum-in princes: talent, vivacity, gentleness, liberality, blest; he is thirty-six years old, tall and well and courage. He is handsome, and has fine formed, and of fine face, though dark complexion. eyes like his father's; graceful in all his moveThe Queen Catherine is of laudable modesty, ments, but of delicate constitution, and eats very but one cannot praise her beauty. She resem- sparingly; and it will be necessary to restrain bles Leo X., her great uncle; her lips are thick, him in all bodily exercise, for he is over fond of her eyes prominent. Her love for the king is fencing, riding, and playing at tennis: which, great as can be imagined; she dresses simply though exercises fitted to his rank, are too vioand gravely; and when the king is away at the lent, and after slight fatigue he needs long rewars, goes into mourning with all her court, ex-pose from shortness and difficulty of respiration. horting to prayer for his majesty. They have He is averse to study, and though he learns, as three sons; the Dauphin,* who is ten years old, it is his mother's will, he does so against his handsome and well-made, and well-mannered, but of feeble nature, and having but little love for letters, which is displeasing to his majesty. There have been placed about him excellent preceptors, who mostly train him to granting graciously whatever is demanded of him, so that with time and habit he may learn a royal liberality; but with all this he profits ill enough. The Queen of Scotland has been given him for a wife. She is very beautiful, and of manners and high qualities which awake marvel in all who consider them. The Dauphin is fond of her, and happy in her converse and presence. The second son is Duke of Orleans;† he has an agreeable countenance and a generous temper. He is fond of study; our century may expect from him all that can be hoped for from any prince. The third boy, born shortly before my arrival, is a pretty child, but has some impediment in his speech, which injures his pronunciation."

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own, and it will bear no fruit. He seems to have
warlike inclinations, and there is no discourse he
hears so gladly as those which turn on such
topics, and none he caresses as he does captains
and soldiers. When he was yet Duke of Or-
leans, and the duchy of Milan was mentioned to
him as his own in flattery or otherwise, he list-
ened joyously, and drawing aside those with
whom he was familiar, he prayed their promise
to follow him thither for its recovery; and since
he became king, I know that one of his minis-
ters, a Milanese by birth, being about to take
leave, he who introduced him into the presence
saying to the king, that he should receive him
well, since he was one who could do him great
service in his states of Milan, the child replied
promptly that he knew it, but that now, being
king, he must no longer speak so openly.
order that nothing be wanting to confirm him in
these thoughts, his governor, Monsieur de Sis-
sierre, speaks to him of conquests and hostile
expeditions as the only themes worthy a mon-
arch. Since the death of Henry II., it is towards
him that all eyes have turned, and it is he, rather
chosen for sovereign. He has two brothers: the
than his brothers, whom France would have
eldest was Duke of Anjou, but the king conferred

In

on him the title of Duke of Orleans* to increase | notwithstanding that she loved him singularly, his importance and dignity, for they were and he loved her and esteemed her above all, as brought up together, and he loves him dearly. soon as she saw him past hope she restrained Likewise, when the insignia of the order was her sorrow, and then seeming to forget it, went given to himself as its grand master, he took it forth the following day perfectly calm, to dine in from his neck to bestow it on his brother. The public, and grant audience to all who sought it, duke's name is Edward, after his godfather, the and at once seize on the royal authority. She King of England. He is nine years old; of an reconciled, at least apparently, the King of Naamiable temper; graver than the king; more varre and the Guises to prevent discords fatal to robust in health; of fresh and clear complexion; the kingdom and young monarch; and I know but tormented by an ulcer between the nose and from persons who have known her long and inright eye, which no remedies have yet cured, timately, that she is profound in her designs, but as it continues to diminish, the physicians not allowing them to be penetrated or guessed hope it may wholly disappear. The other broth-at. Like Leo X. and other of the Medici, she er is called Hercules, being godson of the late knows how to feign, as in the detention of the Duke of Ferrara, and retains his title of Duke Prince of Condé ;* not only showing no evil disof Alençon, as fourth of the brothers. He is position towards him, but deceiving his partisans five years old; seems well made, and stronger also; saying that if he came he should be well than either the king or his brother Edward; received and better treated, and then acting as but I hear the poor prince is in danger of your serene highness knows: treating him not losing the sight of an eye, and this reminds merely in a manner unsuited to a prince of the me of a prognostict current throughout the blood, but the poorest gentleman in the land. kingdom, and made by the famous astrologer She likes the comforts of life well, and is imNostradamus, which menaces the lives of these moderate in her enjoyment of them; she eats four princes, saying their mother will see all and drinks largely, but afterwards seeks a remecrowned. The sister's name is Margaret, from dy in violent exercise, walking, riding, being that of her godmother, the Duchess of Savoy. ever in motion. Strangest of all, she hunts, and She is seven years old, and if she improve in last year, never leaving the king, she followed the grace and beauty I already left her mistress the stag along with him, riding through wood of, she will become a rare princess, far surpass-and brushwood, from their trunks and branches ing her sisters, Isabella, Queen of Spain, and dangerous to any one not an able horsewoman. Claude, Duchess of Lorraine. Even during her Notwithstanding all, her complexion is always father's life she was affianced to the prince of livid or olive, her size enormous, and her physiBearn, who is of her own age. The king's mi-cians do not judge her state of health favorably. nority will continue till his fourteenth year, the The King of Navarre (Antoine de Bourbont) power remaining till then in the hands of the is forty-four or forty-five years old, his beard alqueen, the King of Navarre, and ten of the ready gray, tall, and strong. Renowned for his chief nobles of the kingdom. The queen, Cath-courage; rather good soldier than able leader. erine de Medicis, is now forty-three, esteemed He is affable, not pompous; his manners truly for her goodness, (!) gentleness, (!!) modesty, (!!!) French, free and open. By his ease of access and understanding: capable of rule, which is a and generosity he has gained over every body. quality common to her house. As mother to the As to words he discourses well, but is reputed king she keeps him under her own eye, herself in his actions vain, inconsiderate, inconstant. alone sleeping in his chamber, and never quitting Till this present time he has been accused not him. She obtained the rank of Regent as an only of carelessness in religious matters, but of unwonted favor and the reward of her great impiety, having foregone mass, and accepted dexterity with all, but most with the nobles: for the Genoese rite: rather, it is believed by all, she is a foreigner, and not come of high blood, in the hope of causing divisions in the kingsince her father, Lorenzo de Medicis, was mere- dom, and placing himself at the head of a facly a noble citizen of Florence, even though ne- tion, than through zeal or knowledge: being phew of Leo X., and bearing the title of Duke looked on as a hypocrite even by the Protestants, of Urbino. As Regent, she governs absolutely, and as accommodating himself to all roads, pronaming to all places and benefices, granting vided they lead to his advantage. His brothers pardons and keeping the royal seal. Formerly are the Prince of Condé and Cardinal of Bourthought timid, as having undertaken nothing of bon; very various in religious opinions; the importance, she is yet possessed of great cour-latter being a zealous Catholic, the former deepage, as she showed at her husband's death: for

I

*

Henry III.; the queen afterwards changed

their names.

ly infected with the Protestant contagion, and favoring all who are corrupted likewise: but he also hath a view to create a party against the Guises. He was the author of disturbances which had religion for pretext, but were raised in re

The prediction of Nostradamus might have been prompted by the hea.th of the princes, each of the four being afflicted by some disease. Fran-ality to murder them. Had the late king lived,

eis II. had an abscess in the head; Charles IX. a difficulty of breathing; Henry III. the ulcer above mentioned; and the Duc d'Alençon was threatened with blindness. It was a safe prediction.

Afterwards first wife of Henry IV.

Antoine de Bourbon: chosen for lieutenantgeneral of the kingdom, as the prince of the blood most near the crown,

his designs might have ended unhappily, as well for himself as the Connétable also, whose life might have been in danger, since all the Prince of Condé had done or meditated in this conspi

*After the conspiracy of Amboise.

t Husband to Jeanne d'Albret, father to Henry IV. of France.

racy, the Connétable not only knew, but counselled. He holds (next the queen) the first post of dignity and authority; that which the Connétable filled near Henry, and the Cardinal of Lorraine* near Francis II. The Connétable counts among the Bourbon's partisans since King Henry's death, when the Guises declared themselves as his opponents; before this event, he and the King of Navarre had been on no amicable terms, but the offence offered at the same time to both, united them as friends. The Connétable is robust as ever, notwithstanding his age, which is past sixty, and he has preserved the vigor of his mind as well as that of his body. But as to his conduct and his nature, they remain unchanged. He daily obtains more influence, wherefore it is believed that he is reconciled to the queen, who hated him till now-not only because during King Henry's life he had been on friendly terms with the Duchess of Valentinois, beloved by herself and by the king, but also because after some discussion with his majesty, he had mentioned her with slight, and called her a merchant's daughter.

This Constable of France was the same venal and cruel De Montmorency, who rose so high in the favor of Francis I., and showed to his royal sister, Margaret of Angoulème, such deep ingratitude. Disgraced by Francis at last, he was restored to power on Henry's accession to the throne, despite the dying injunction of his father. The Guises at this time were isolated and apart, and we get some curious details respecting them for the Venetian envoys had been of service to them during the reign of Francis II., and at the time of the troubles of Amboise. Michele praises their piety; their family concord; their beauty of person; but when, weary of generalizing, he arrives at individual description, we find no unfair estimate of character; nor one which either differs greatly from that paper of the time which called them the 'Affamée famille,' or

leaves us much to wonder at their achievements of duplicity and murder in the wars with the Huguenots, and the massacre of St.

Bartholomew.

deeply versed in science. His life, at least to outward appearance, is pure, and suited to his high dignity; which cannot be said of other cardinals and prelates, whose habits are licentious to a scandal. But his great fault is not the mere avarice which is natural and proper to his nation, but a sordid greediness and rapacity which is said to avail itself of criminal means. I speak all this openly as I have done other things, since they remain consigned in secrecy here. He is also of great duplicity, which suffers him to speak truth but very seldom resembling the rest of the French nation in this also: and worse than all, he takes offence with light cause, and is revengeful, and being envious is slow to grant a benefit. While he was in possession of authority, he showed such inclination to injure as excited universal hatred; it would be too long to enter into details, but his violence was such, that throughout the kingdom, only his death was desired. As to Monseigneur de Guise, the eldest of these six brothers, we speak of him as a great captain and good soldier.* No one in France has fought more battles or braved greater dangers. Every one praises his courage, his presence of mind, his coolness: a rare quality in a Frenchman. He is not choleric; he has not an overweening opinion of himself; his faults are avarice as regards the soldiery, and that always promising largely, even when it is his intention to keep these promises, he is overslow in their execution. But we must never depend too much on the assurances of princes, less on those of the French than any. Their object is their interest always, and yielding their affections by this rule, they are from hour to hour friends or enemies. If the alliance with your serene highness should ever prove an obstacle to a French design, it would be at once broken off without regard to its ancient date or to any other consideration."

who succeeded in 1561, is less cramped and The correspondence of Michele Suriano, more pleasing in its style: though written with an intolerance only equalled by that of Barbaro. Passing as usual over his abridgthe writer who followed him, Marc Antonio ment of French history and a geographical treatise, we find a detailed view of the privileges of the nobles and the oppression of the people, and a long discourse on the heresy which was advancing with rapid strides. The Tiers Etat was now obtaining more importance, from the necessities of the higher grade.

"The cardinal, reputed the chief of his house, would be esteemed by universal consent, but for the imperfection for which he is noted and I will by-and-by detail, the most fitting instrument to be employed in the government of a state: with few, perhaps none of his age equal to him, "It comprehends," says Suriano, "men of letfor he has not yet completed his thirty-seventh ters who are called de longue robe, merchants, year. Besides that he possesses such promp-citizens, artisans, and peasants. He of the long titude of intelligence that, a speaker's mouth barely opened, he comprehends the tenor of the sentence which is to follow; he has also a happy memory, and a wondrous eloquence on all subjects, and all this set off by a grave and noble presence. He has cultivated letters, he is

Uncle to the Cardinal and Duke de Guise, murdered at Blois by order of Henry III.

robe who is president or counsellor, is elevated by such office, and treated as a noble. The merchants, as masters of the money, are petted and caressed, but may hold no dignity, since every kind of traffic is considered derogatory. They therefore belong to the third estate, and pay taxes like the non-noble and the peasant.

* Assassinated by Poltrot in 1563.

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