agricultural, and mechanical labor. It is not giving too much credit to his untiring perseverance and intelligent representations, to say, that he was the chief agent in procuring the enactment of the tariff of 1823. Mr. Brown began his career with no property, and with no means but such as nature and a country school had furnished him with; but he was the vital spark which kept alive the whole body that was dying for lack of protection. He erected a large woollen factory at Millbury, in the county of Worcester, and produced there from fabrics of a superior kind, that were pronounced fit to enter into competition with most of the British and German cloths. But the "compromise was fatal to his prospects. Excessive importations produced the insolvency and bankruptcy of nearly all the manufacturers of New-England, and Mr. Brown was not exempted from the common lot. He fought manfully to sustain the doctrines of protection, to preserve his own property from the sacrifice that was impending, and to assist his fellow-sufferers. But without success. Worn out with incessant labor, physical and mental, he died before he had attained the age of forty years. A subscription, after his death, among those who had been his friends and co-laborers, placed his widow and her two children in a comfortable situation, very proper tribute to the memory of him whose talents had been exerted for their benefit, a man, whose heart was liberal almost to a fault, whose soul was the home of uprightness and honor.

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Such were the men to whom I was chiefly indebted for encouragement in an undertaking of very doubtful success. Others there were whose good wishes were

not withheld; but the time to write their eulogy has not yet arrived.

The year 1824 will be distinguished in our national history as a period of great political excitement. In the early part of the year, a caucus of members of Congress nominated William H. Crawford as the democratic candidate for the office of President. The Legislature of Pennsylvania nominated John C. Calhoun. Mr. Calhoun afterwards withdrew from the contest in favor of General Jackson, who had been nominated in Tennessee, and in some of the Southern States. Henry Clay was the candidate of Kentucky, and received the nomination of public conventions in other sections of the country. A powerful effort in favor of John Quincy Adams operated in many parts, and he was supported, generally, without regard to old party associations. Many of the Federalists opposed the election of Mr. Adams. They had not forgotten, and would not forgive, his desertion from the party and his support of Mr. Jefferson's embargo in 1807. Sympathizing with this class, and believing in the uprightness of their policy, it was natural that the Courier should unite in opposition to Mr. Adams. So far as it became actively involved in the electioneering controversy, it assumed a position of hostility to his election, occasionally with a degree of acrimony, that was deeply regretted in after years. It took no determined stand against either of the other candidates; but a preference was avowed for Mr. Clay, as the advocate and champion of protection to home industry. Just before the choice of electors in November, a con

vention of the friends of that gentleman was held in Boston, attended by nearly all the principal manufacturers of New-England. My allotment in the proceedings was the presentation of a set of resolutions, (which were adopted,) declaring that the elevation of Mr. Clay to the Presidency was desirable, and setting forth in brief detail the advantages that the whole country would derive from such an event. But the voice of Massachusetts was in favor of Mr. Adams, and his election was vehemently advocated in most of the newspapers. The opposition to Mr. Adams, manifested in the Courier, provoked the displeasure of his friends, among which the conductors of the Salem Register and the Boston Patriot were the most prominent. The wrath of the Patriot was poured upon the Courier without stint and without mercy, frequently in personal invectives, which were returned with ample interest. Many of these outpourings from the Patriot were written by Dr. Waterhouse, of Cambridge; and those in the Register by Joseph E. Sprague, of Salem. With both of these writers my intercourse, until then, as well as that with the respective editors, John B. Davis and Warwick W. Palfray, - had been of a courteous and friendly nature. It is not my purpose to exhibit any specimens of these criminations and recriminations. Let them remain undisturbed in the columns where they had their birth. The unpleasant feelings which they produced, subsided after the election was over, and friendly intercourse was renewed. All these opponents have gone, and I shall soon follow them, to the land where love and hatred are alike forgotten.

In the Courier of October 14, 1824, the name of EDWARD EVERETT was first brought before the public as a candidate for representative in Congress. John Keyes, a distinguished lawyer, had been nominated for that place by a democratic caucus in the county of Middlesex, but the nomination was received with some unexpected coolness. Some of the electors, - the younger portion, especially, declared their preference for some one, who had not been identified with that party, nor pledged to sustain its favorite policy. A communication, proposing another caucus to consider the expediency of a new nomination, was sent to me for publication in the Courier. The thought immediately occurred to me that Mr. Everett, (then the Greek Professor in Harvard college, (would be a suitable person to represent the county, and I recommended his nomination on the ground that "his election would tend very much to the elevation of the character of the Massachusetts delegation in the National Legislature, and give a proud and honorable distinction to his immediate constituents. He stands before his a candidate un

fellow-citizens [it was added] as pledged, unshackled, of uncommon natural power, improved by education, travel, and study; his moral and political character unimpeachable, his mind too enlightened and capacious to be wrought upon to any purposes of political iniquity by intrigue and corruption, and too elevated and magnanimous to participate in the counsels of low ambition, or to aim at personal exaltation at the expense of public good." If the nomination of Mr. Everett had occurred to any one previous to this suggestion in the Courier, it was

unknown to me. The proposed convention met at Lexington, the next week; he was unanimously nominated; and was elected by a large majority of the voters of Middlesex.

In the spring of 1827, Boston politics were in a sad state of incoherence, and as the time for choosing senators and representatives approached, there was, as an eminent statesman once said, "a plausible appearance of a probability," that the city might be unrepresented for that political year. The curious arrangement of parties I attempted to describe in the following article:

Our commonwealth and city politics are in a state of most admirable confusion. Every tenth man is the leader of a party; — the blind leading the blind. Republicans and Federalists, Jacksonmen, Adamsmen, Lincolnmen, administrationmen, freebridgemen, antifreebridgemen, antitariffmen, and woollen crusaders, are all thrown together into the political pot. The fire burns and the cauldron bubbles; and many are the weird sisters that are practising their incantations over the ingredients. Whether any thing will rise from this solemn sorcery, except scum, we profess, not to foresee. Perhaps the managers expect that this process will result in the production of some new substance, in which the various qualities of all the ingredients shall be inseparably and mysteriously compounded, beyond all possibility of decomposition.

We are somewhat impatient to see these affairs settled. Not that we look for any personal advantage from the consummation, whatever the event may be. But there is a satisfaction in knowing when one may put to sea, - who are likely to be his associates, whether he is to sail with the

fleet under convoy of the admiral, or whether he must push off his frail bark alone, and, — steer whatever course he may,