Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

churches. We have seen how the orthodox Evagrius fared under Valens. After the death of this Emperor, however, the orthodox of the capital again lifted their heads, and on their invitation Gregory of Nazianzus, the friend of St. Basil, came to Constantinople and accepted the position of their chief. Having no churches Gregory opened a chapel to which he gave the title Anastastis (Resurrection). The eloquent Cappadocian drew large numbers to the orthodox gatherings, a fact which alarmed Demophilus. The Arians attempted intimidation, but their day was over; the entrance of Theodosius to Constantinople was the signal for their expulsion from the churches and Gregory was enthroned in St. Sophia (November 26, 380).

The following year Theodosius convened a council of Oriental Bishops with a view to establishing harmony between the various parties into which this part of Christendom was divided. The invitation was extended to those Semi-Arian Bishops also, who, as we have seen, had again departed from orthodoxy at the synod of Antioch in Caria. These thirty-six prelates represented a new phase of SemiArianism, for while orthodox regarding the Second Person of the Trinity, they were. Homoiousians in their doctrine on the Holy Ghost. They were known also as Macedonians, after the former Bishop of Constantinople.

The second Oecumenical council met at Constantinople in May, 381, under the presidency of Meletius of Antioch. The first business disposed of was that of filling the vacancy at Constantinople; Gregory of Nazianzus was appointed without difficulty. Soon afterwards Meletius of Antioch died and the new Bishop of the capital assumed the presidency of the council. The vacancy at Antioch caused by the death of Meletius next occupied the attention of the council. The recognition of Paulinus, the second orthodox Bishop of Antioch, was recommended by Gregory as an excellent means of ending the schism, but the proposal was bitterly opposed by the majority. Paulinus had been intruded into Antioch by an imprudent Latin Bishop, and still received the support both of the Alexandrian and the Roman Church. This was enough to render him ineligible to the always anti-Latin Bishops of the Orient, whether orthodox or heterodox. The idea of conciliation was one that did not appeal to the Eastern mind, and now that the orthodox, after a long period of exclusion, were enjoying imperial favor they were disposed to use their credit a little after the manner of the Arians in the preceding reigns. Gregory was disgusted with his colleagues, and talked of resignation. At

this point there arrived in the capital the new Bishop of Alexandria, Timothy, with the Bishops of Egypt. This contingent ought to have supported Gregory in favor of Paulinus, but unfortunately they too entertained their prejudices, the strongest of which was against Gregory himself as a Cappadocian. The Alexandrians had a long. memory and could not forget the doings of Eusebius of Nicomedia. Instead of aiding Gregory, therefore, Timothy questioned his right to the see of Constantinople, on the ground that as Bishop of Sasima his appointment was uncanonical. Gregory, thereupon, disgusted with all parties, gave up the struggle and left Constantinople for ever. The name of Nectarius, an unbaptized imperial official, was selected by the Emperor, from a list of eligible candidates presented to him, as that of the most acceptable person for the now vacant bishopric; Flavian had previously been appointed successor of Meletius of Antioch. Nectarius now assumed the presidency of the council, although two of his superiors in the hierarchy, the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch were present.

The more important business of the council was now taken up. The second canon enacted forbade the Bishops of one civil diocese to interfere in the affairs of another; this was aimed at Alexandria, whose former Bishop, Peter, had caused Maximus the Cynic to be consecrated Bishop of Constantinople in a manner wholly irregular. Maximus himself was declared not to be a Bishop at all and his ordinations were consequently pronounced invalid. The third canon gave the second rank in the hierarchy to the Bishop of Constantinople, on the ground that Constantinople was "New Rome." This was to base ecclesiastical rank solely on the civil importance of a see, which was of course the only pretext on which Constantinople could claim precedence over Alexandria and Antioch. Thus began the tradition. of the new patriarchs, which contained in it the fruitful germs of future schisms. Yet, this canon when adopted was directed primarily against the Bishop of Alexandria. 20 The bad feeling between Egypt on the one side, and the rest of the Orient on the other, had existed since the beginning of the Arian troubles. And now, although both parties at length agreed on all questions of faith, neither was disposed to forget the past. As Alexandria outranked Antioch, which besides was weakened by internal dissensions, the latter see could not hope to compete with its rival. But Constantinople, with its

[blocks in formation]

prestige as New Rome, the capital of the East, had every chance of success against Alexandria first and old Rome afterward.

The question of the so-called Macedonian heresy was discussed also, and as the Bishops of the council of Antioch in Caria would not accept the orthodox creed they were, in the first canon, anathematized. The treatment of these prelates by the orthodox Theodosius, however, contrasted quite favorably with that which the orthodox and the Semi-Arians had received at the hands of Constantius and Valens. The Emperor employed all his powers of persuasion to convince them of their errors, but in vain. He then ejected all the dissident factions from the churches: which is exactly what any State of the American Union would do under similar circumstances. Even after taking this step, Theodosius called another conference of the various heads of sects, which proved partially successful: some were convinced but others remained obstinate. The patience of the Emperor was now exhausted, and he adopted more stringent measures against the latter; they were forbidden to have churches, to instruct in their creeds, and to consecrate Bishops. The leaders were sent into exile, or lost the "privileges enjoyed by other subjects of the empire." But while the terms of the law were harsh enough, though far less so than those of the enactments of Valens and Constantius, Sozomen states that they were never enforced strictly, because "the Emperor had no desire to persecute his subjects." Theodosius only sought "to enforce uniformity of view about God through the medium of intimidation."21

The relations of Church and State in the year 382, at which we have arrived, were therefore vastly better than they had been at any time during the previous half century. The West had so far been fortunate in escaping the dangers of imperialism in the Church, save for a short time in the reign of Constantius. But the East, torn with internal dissensions since the beginning of the Arian troubles, had made imperial intervention, as the only remedy at all likely to be effectual, a necessity. The heretical Emperors, urged on by ambitious heresiarchs, carried this intervention far beyond what the occasions demanded. They were not satisfied with the office of mediator and guardian of public order, and they employed material force without scruple to compel acceptance of their own religious opinions. Jovian, on the other hand, during his short reign, showed "Soz. vii, 12; Soc. v, 8 ss.

no inclination to adopt the means of persuasion employed by Constantius, nor did Theodosius resort to the violent methods of Valens. On the contrary, the new Emperor of the Orient brought from the West the tradition of Constans, Valentinian and Gratian, and although, from our point of view, his influence was sometimes carried beyond the limits which the civil authority ought legitimately exercise, his contemporaries would have been surprised had he acted differently.

MAURICE M. HASSETT.

A VISIT TO A MODERN EXCAVATION

Hugh Pope, O. P.

The sky was wild-looking; black, threatening clouds came hurrying up from the west, pools of water in the courtyard told of the rain that had fallen in the night, and everything combined to foretell a wet and comfortless day. But our destination was Gezer, and our object a view of the excavations in progress there, so we paid little heed to the threatening clouds but wrapped ourselves up closely and sat back under the hood of the strongly-built carriage and prepared for the worst.

The clocks in the Holy City were striking six when we started off. Our driver was dismayed when we told him where we were going; he had come unprepared for so long a journey and shrugged his shoulders as he surveyed the sky and thought of his thin and not too new garments. However with native fatalism he resigned himself to the inevitable and comforted himself with countless cigarettes. The horses plunged forward, three of them abreast and none too easy to drive, for the near horse was unconnected with any shaft and a bit of rope served for a trace. The day is just breaking and we can hear the camels snarling in the neighbouring Arab encampment while their owners busy themselves in lighting their fires and preparing the morning coffee.

Then down comes the rain; we are sheltered, but the poor Arab is quickly soaked, while the horses steam in front of us. As we pass rapidly through the outskirts of the city two damp figures emerge out of the darkness and we recognise them as two Benedictine Fathers on their way to their house at Abu Gôsh, so, much to their joy we make room for them in the vehicle.

We soon leave the straggling houses behind us and are out on the open road. These roads about Jerusalem are generally very good, especially when, as in our case, the post travels by them, for we are on the post road from Jaffa to Jerusalem along which most of the traffic used to pass till the railway was opened, indeed the post still follows it.

The road winds as it descends for we are going from the highest point of the Jerusalem hills down into the shephelah or lowlands.

'Jos. xv. 9. and xviii. 15.

« AnteriorContinuar »