habits and wasteful expenditure. It is contradictory to imagine that it is possible to improve the condition of the labouring classes, by giving them increased facilities and greater temptations to plunge still deeper into that intemperance and dissipation which is their scourge and ruin. We are not aware that it has occurred to the financial reformers of China to attempt to elevate the character and condition of their countrymen by cheapening opium and facilitating its introduction into the Celestial Empire. But we take leave to doubt whether such a policy would be more absurd than to attempt to improve the condition of our labourers by cheapening gin and tobacco.

It is needless, we presume, to dwell on the destructive influence of an intemperate indulgence in intoxicating drinkson the poverty, the vice, and the wretchedness, of which it is the fruitful source. The taste for tobacco, though in some respects less injurious than the taste for spirits, makes a much more serious inroad than is commonly supposed on the means of the poor. The duty on tobacco produced in 1850 a nett revenue of L.4,410,323. And it is generally supposed that the tobacco, after it has been partially manufactured into snuff and cigars, distributed over the country, and sold by retail, costs at least double the duty, or L.8,820,646. So that, allowing for smuggling and adulteration, the expenditure on this filthy and offensive stimulant cannot be taken at less than from L.9,000,000 to L.10,000,000 a-year, being about equal to the receipts of all the railways in the kingdom. And of this immense sum, more than three-fourths is contributed by the working-classes. So deeply-rooted is the taste for tobacco, that in some country parishes in the south of Scotland the expenditure upon it equals or exceeds the expenditure upon tea. Under such circumstances, it would be the climax of folly to do anything to increase the demand for tobacco. A duty on it is quite unexceptionable; and should be fixed at the point, whatever it may be, that will produce the greatest amount of revenue.

The repeal or reduction of the taxes on the middle and

upper classes would have no sensible effect in increasing the demand for labour. And supposing it had, it would be advantageous only to the industrious and provident labourers. Nothing, in truth, can be of any real service to the others. Those who spend Sunday and Monday in gin shops and skittle grounds, would not be much bettered by being able to spend Tuesday in the same way. Nothing, therefore, can be a more perfect fallacy than to suppose that our existing system of taxation has any sensible influence in depressing the labourers. The protective duties that were formerly laid on corn and sugar may have had that effect. But since their repeal, the influence of our taxation has been on the whole entirely different; and the labouring class would not gain, but lose, by its abolition.

Ireland is, and has always been, compared with its extent and fertility, one of the least heavily taxed countries in the world. And yet her population has been uniformly sunk in the lowest abyss of poverty. This circumstance would of itself suffice to show that the condition of a people does not depend nearly so much on the taxes paid by them, as on their character and conduct-that is, on their habits, industry, and forethought.

CHAPTER IX.

Friendly Societies.-Saving Banks.-Advantages of these

Institutions.

THE formation of benefit clubs, or friendly societies, seems to be one of the best devices for enabling the poor to provide for themselves, without depending on the charity of their more opulent neighbours. Friendly societies are formed on a principle of mutual insurance. Each member contributes a certain sum by weekly, monthly, or annual subscriptions, while he is in health; and receives from the society a certain

pension or allowance when he is incapacitated for work by accident, sickness, or old age. Nothing, it is obvious, can be more unexceptionable than the principle of these associations. Owing to the general exemption from sickness until a comparatively late period of life, if a number of individuals under thirty or thirty-five years of age, form themselves into a society, and subscribe each a small sum from their surplus earnings, they are able to secure a comfortable provision for themselves, in the event of their becoming unfit for labour. Any single individual who should trust to his own unassisted efforts for support, would, it is plain, be placed in a very different situation from those who are members of such a society; for, however industrious and parsimonious, he might not be able to accomplish his object; inasmuch as the occurrence of any accident, or an obstinate fit of sickness, might, by throwing him out of employment, and forcing him to consume the savings he had accumulated against old age, reduce him to a state of indigence, and oblige him to become dependent on the bounty of others. Wherever a liability to any unfavourable contingency exists, the best and cheapest way of obviating its effects, is by uniting with others. It has, we are aware, been frequently said, that those individuals who are members of friendly societies, and who have passed through life, as many of them have done, without having occasion to claim any portion of their funds, lose the whole amount of their subscriptions. But this is a most erroneous statement. It is true that the individuals in question have not received any pecuniary compensation; but they have enjoyed what was of equal value-a feeling of security against want, and a consequent peace of mind and consciousness of independence. The vast majority of those who insure their property against fire, reap no advantage from it, except a feeling of being secured against a casualty to which all property is liable. This, however, is a sufficient motive to induce every considerate person to execute an insurance. And, on the same principle, all individuals not possessed of incomes derived from land or stock, but who depend for

support on the wages of their labour, if they would place themselves in a state of security, and provide effectually against the risk of being reduced to pauperism and destitution, ought not to neglect to enroll themselves in friendly societies.

For these, and other reasons, which our limits will not permit us to state, we are glad to find that friendly societies have made so considerable a progress, that the number of members of enrolled societies, in England only, is at present (1851) estimated at about 800,000 individuals. This is a satisfactory proof that the poor of England are animated by a strong spirit of independence; and that the adverse influences to which they have been exposed have not had so great an effect as might perhaps have been expected. It should also be recollected, that the progress of these societies has been much counteracted by the ignorance and mismanagement of their officers, and by the real difficulty of establishing them on a secure foundation. The great error has consisted in their fixing too large a scale of allowances. At their first institution they are necessarily composed of members in the prime of life; there is, therefore, comparatively little sickness and mortality amongst them. In consequence, their funds rapidly accumulate; and they are naturally tempted to give too large an allowance to those members who are occasionally incapacitated. But the circumstances under which the society is placed at an advanced period are materially different. Sickness and mortality are then comparatively prevalent. The contributions to the fund decline at the same time that the outgoings inAnd it has not unfrequently happened, that societies have become altogether bankrupt; and that the oldest members have been left, at the close of their life, destitute of all support from funds on which they had relied, and to which they had largely contributed.

crease.

But the errors in the constitution of friendly societies are not incurable; and various efforts, many of which have been productive of beneficial effects, have been made by private

individuals and associations, and by the legislature, to obviate the chances of their failure, and to encourage their foundation on sound principles. Two Reports, in 1825 and 1827, by a Committee of the House of Commons, on the Laws respecting Friendly Societies; the Report of the Highland Society on the same subject, and other publications, embody a great mass of the most valuable information with regard to these societies. There are, doubtless, several important points which still remain to be satisfactorily cleared up; but, in the meantime, so much has been done that government has been enabled to interfere with effect in assisting the formation of friendly societies on a secure foundation, and several acts have been passed in that view. Such societies as may think proper to claim the benefit of these acts are bound to submit a statement of their rules and regulations for the approval of the officer (Mr Tidd Pratt) appointed for that purpose; and in the event of these being approved by him, and of the tables of payments and allowances appearing suitable to the justices, the society is confirmed by the latter, and becomes entitled to the privileges conferred by the acts referred to. These consist in being allowed to invest the funds of the society in government securities at a minimum rate of interest (£3, 0s. 10d. per cent.), and in the funds of savings-banks. But it is, of course, open to all individuals, not seeking any connection with government, to establish friendly societies on any footing, and in any form, they may think proper.

Savings-banks deserve also the warmest support of all who are friendly to the improvement and independence of the poor. The formation of a habit of saving is of vital importance; and to that two things are necessary, viz.—first, the ability to save, and second, a safe and convenient place in which to deposit savings. Now, most persons, even in the lowest walks of life, have the first and most indispensable of these requisites. Wages are not determined by the wants, but by the numbers, the skill, and the ability of la