sense a conscription of the unwilling; it is, rather, atac TTE a nation which has volunteered in mass. It is no more & CODES. of those who shall march with the colors that :: accen those who shall serve an equally necessary and GEVOIE, BETRE: the industries that lie behind the battle ime.

The day here named is the time upon whic. a. Sim themselves for assignment to their tasks. i: A destined to be remembered as one of the most conspicuo in our history. It is nothing less than the az upc manhood of the country shall step forward

defense of the ideals to which this natior: QUICIA.. important to those ideals no less than to the ple

tion in manifesting its devotion to them the: teet: - 5 the ranks.

LISTS OF HONOR

It is essential that the day be approacie: ram hension of its significance, and that we ate. : the meaning that it deserves. Our maust:..

it be not made a technical holiday, bu before us urges that it be carried in a. e of patriotic devotion and obligation w every man, whether he is himself t

to it that the name of every maje peras s written on these lists of honor.

MAY 26, 1917-PRESIDENT WILSON REN

(Russia was in an uproar, semere of all government, the people, we in their minds concerning the las

to free them from their suspici

ance, if possible, President WEST by Elihu Root. The message mi reprinted.)

THE WAR

THE SELECTIVE

1ES ENGLAND.

ACHES FRANCE.

r WILSON DELIVERS AN

the occasion of an address orld which revealed, more

, the German threat upon Wilson spoke categorically ition, and told how far they ting the "Berlin to Bagdad" intry had been at war barely nsolidate sentiment and spur his finest effort from a literary

FOR OUR FLAG."

GRED AT BALTIMORE, JUNE 14, 17.

mplete)

ag Day because this flag which we erve is the emblem of our unity, our rpose as a nation. It has no other we give it from generation to generas. It floats in majestic silence above se choices, whether in peace or in war. : speaks to us-speaks to us of the past, who went before us and of the records celebrate the day of its birth; and from s witnessed a great history, has floated on eat events, of a great plan of life worked We are about to carry it into battle, to raw the fire of our enemies. We are hout. Andreds of thousands, it may be

ALL PEOPLES MUST BE FREE.

We are fighting for the liberty, the self-government, and the undictated development of all peoples, and every feature of the settlement that concludes this war must be conceived and executed for that purpose. Wrongs must first be righted, and then adequate safeguards must be created to prevent their being committed again. We ought not to consider remedies merely because they have a pleasing and sonorous sound. Practical questions can be settled only by practical means. Phrases will not accomplish the result. Effective readjustments will; and whatever readjustments are necessary must be made.

But they must follow a principle, and that principle is plain. No people must be forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live. No territory must change hands except for the purpose of securing those who inhabit it a fair chance of life and liberty. No indemnities must be insisted on except those that constitute payments for manifest wrongs done. No readjustments of power must be made except such as will tend to secure the future peace of the world and the future welfare and happiness of its peoples.

And then the free peoples of the world must draw together in some common covenant, some genuine and practical coöperation that will in effect combine their force to secure peace and justice in the dealings of nations with one another. The brotherhood of mankind must no longer be a fair but empty phrase; it must be given a structure of force and reality. The nations must realize their common life and effect a workable partnership to secure that life against the aggressions of autocratic and self-pleasing power.

For these things we can afford to pour out our blood and treasure. For these are the things we have always professed to desire, and unless we pour out blood and treasure now and succeed, we may never be able to unite or show conquering force again in the great cause of human liberty. The day has come to conquer or submit. If the forces of autocracy can divide us they will overcome us; if we stand together, victory is certain and the liberty which victory will secure. We can afford then to be generous, but we cannot afford then or now to be weak or to omit any single guarantee of justice and security.

WOODROW WILSON.

JUNE 1, 1917-MORE DISORDER IN RUSSIA. SUSPICION OF AL

LIED AIMS GROWS.

JUNE 6, 1917-REGISTRATION DAY UNDER DRAFT ACT.

(Nearly 10,000,000 men registered.)

THE SELECTIVE

JUNE 8, 1917-GENERAL PERSHING REACHES England.

JUNE 12, 1917-Espionage Bill passed.

JUNE 13, 1917-GENERAL PERSHING REACHES FRANCE.

JUNE 14, 1917-Flag Day; PRESIDENT WILSON DELIVERS AN

ADDRESS.

(President Wilson made Flag Day the occasion of an address to the American people and to the world which revealed, more definitely than any of its predecessors, the German threat upon civilization. In this address President Wilson spoke categorically of the German plan of world domination, and told how far they had already progressed in consummating the "Berlin to Bagdad" phase of their strangle-hold. The country had been at war barely a month. This address helped to consolidate sentiment and spur endeavor. It is considered by many his finest effort from a literary point of view.)

"A NEW GLORY FOR OUR FLAG."

THE FLAG DAY ADDRESS DELIVERED AT BALTIMORE, JUNE 14, 1917. (Complete)

My Fellow Citizens:

We meet to celebrate Flag Day because this flag which we honor and under which we serve is the emblem of our unity, our power, our thought and purpose as a nation. It has no other character than that which we give it from generation to generation. The choices are ours. It floats in majestic silence above the hosts that execute those choices, whether in peace or in war. And yet, though silent, it speaks to us-speaks to us of the past, of the men and women who went before us and of the records they wrote upon it. We celebrate the day of its birth; and from its birth until now it has witnessed a great history, has floated on high the symbol of great events, of a great plan of life worked out by a great people. We are about to carry it into battle, to lift it where it will draw the fire of our enemies. We are about to bid thousands, hundreds of thousands, it may be millions, of

our men, the young, the strong, the capable men of the nation, to go forth and die beneath it on fields of blood far away-for what? For some unaccustomed thing? For something for which it has never sought the fire before? American armies were never before sent across the seas. Why are they sent now? For some new purpose, for which this great flag has never been carried before, or for some old, familiar, heroic purpose for which it has seen men, its own men, die on every battlefield upon which Americans have borne arms since the Revolution?

These are questions which must be answered. We are Americans. We in turn serve America, and can serve her with no private purpose. We must use her flag as she has always used it. We are accountable at the bar of history and must plead in utter frankness what purpose it is we seek to serve.

GERMANY FORCED US TO WAR.

It is plain enough how we were forced into the war. The extraordinary insults and aggressions of the Imperial German Government left us no self-respecting choice but to take up arms in defense of our rights as a free people and of our honor as a sovereign government. The military masters of Germany denied us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspecting communities with vicious spies and conspirators and sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in their own behalf. When they found that they could not do that, their agents diligently spread sedition amongst us and sought to draw our own people from their allegiance and some of those agents were men connected with the official Embassy of the Germany Government itself here in our own capital. They sought by violence to destroy our industries and arrest our commerce. They tried to incite Mexico to take up arms against us and to draw Japan into a hostile alliance with her-and that, not by indirection, but by direct suggestion from the Foreign Office in Berlin. They impudently denied us the use of the high seas and repeatedly executed their threat that they would send to their death any of our people who ventured to approach the coasts of Europe. And many of our own people were corrupted. Men began to look upon their own neighbors with suspicion and to wonder in their hot resentment and surprise whether there was any community in which hostile intrigue did not lurk. What great nation in such circumstances would not have taken up arms? Much as we had desired peace, it was denied us, and not of our own choice. This flag under which we serve would have been dishonored had we withheld our hand.

But that is only part of the story. We know now as clearly as we knew before we were ourselves engaged that we are not the enemies of the German people and that they are not our enemies. They did not originate or desire this hideous war or wish that we should be drawn into it; and we are vaguely conscious that we are fighting their cause, as they will some day see it, as well as our own. They are themselves in the grip of the same sinister power that has now at last stretched its ugly talons out and drawn blood from us. The whole world is at war because the whole world is in the grip of that power and is trying out the great battle which shall determine whether it is to be brought under its mastery or fling itself free.

GERMANY Plotted to Master the WORLD.

The war was begun by the military masters of Germany, who proved to be also the masters of Austria-Hungary. These men have never regarded nations as peoples, men, women and children of like blood and frame as themselves, for whom governments existed and in whom governments had their life. They have regarded them merely as serviceable organizations which they could by force or intrigue bend or corrupt to their own purpose. They have regarded the smaller states, in particular, and the peoples who could be overwhelmed by force, as their natural tools and instruments of domination. Their purpose has long been avowed. The statesmen of other nations, to whom that purpose was incredible, paid little attention; regarded what German professors expounded in their classrooms and German writers set forth to the world as the goal of German policy as rather the dream of minds detached from practical affairs, as preposterous private conceptions of German destiny, than as the actual plans of responsible rulers; but the rulers of Germany themselves knew all the while what concrete plans, what well advanced intrigues lay back of what the professors and the writers were saying, and were glad to go forward unmolested, filling the thrones of Balkan states with German princes, putting German officers at the service of Turkey to drill her armies and make interest with her government, developing plans of sedition and rebellion in India and Egypt, setting their fires in Persia. The demands made by Austria upon Servia were a mere single step in a plan which compassed Europe and Asia, from Berlin to Bagdad. They hoped those demands might not arouse Europe, but they meant to press them whether they did or not, for they thought themselves ready for the final issue of arms.