Imágenes de páginas

debted for their existence to St. Columba (Columbkille). St. Columbanus left his country early in life and travelled into France, founded the monastery of Luxeuil, and was for thirty years its superior. Besides these two, Ireland sent forth St. Clement and his companions into Germany, St. Buan into Iceland, St. Killian into Franconia, St. Suivan into the Orcades, St. Bendan into the Fortunate Islands, St. Aidan and St. Cuthberth into Northumberland, St. Fenian into Mercia, St. Albuine into Lorraine, St. Gallus into Switzerland, St. Virgilius into Carinthia, and St. Cataldus into Tarentum. To the Continent missionaries from the Irish Church were sent to propagate the Gospel, where they erected and established schools of learning, and taught the use of letters to the Saxons and Normans. Burgundy, Germany, and other countries received their instructions from them, and Europe with gratitude confessed the superior knowledge, the piety, the zeal, and purity of the "Island of Saints."

vinces of the English over which King Oswald reigned, &c. The younger English were by their Irish masters instructed.3

Drogo, in his Life of Oswald, states that the conversion of the West Saxons was procured by his agency, which is by no means improbable when we consider the interest which his marriage into the royal family of that kingdom gave him in its pagan inhabitants. Cynegils was converted and catechised, and washed in the baptismal font together with his people; and Oswald, the most holy and victorious King of the Northumbrians, being present, received him as he came forth from the laver, first adopted him, and took his daughter in marriage, and the two kings gave the city called Dorcic (Dorchester) for the seat of the episcopal see, afterwards translated to Exeter. In the subsequent reign (A.D. 643) there came into that province, out of Ireland, a certain bishop named Agilbercht, by nation a Frenchman, who had then lived a long time in Ireland, for the purpose of reading the Scriptures. He joined himself to the king, and voluntarily took upon himself the office of preacher; he returned to France, and having received the bishopric of the city of Paris, died there aged and full of days. Amongst the East Saxons the Irish missionaries were not idle. Whilst Sigiberct still governed the kingdom (633), there came out of Ireland a holy man named Fursey, renowned both for his words and actions, and remarkable for singular virtues, &c. On coming into the province of the East Angles, he was honourably received by the aforesaid king; and performing his usual employment of preaching the Gospel, by the example of his virtue and the efficacy of his discourse, he converted the unbelievers to Christ.5 The Middle Angles were converted by another Irishman, St. Finan, who baptized King Penda with all his earls and soldiers, and his successors for generations were bishops of Mercia. Many of the (Saxon) nobility and of

The Heathen Saxons were objects of special concern to the zealous Irish missionaries. It is reported, that when King Oswald asked a bishop of the Irish to minister the word of the faith to him and his nation, there was sent to him a man of austere disposition, who after preaching for some time to the nation of the Angles, and meeting with no success, and being disregarded by the English people, returned home, and in an assembly of the elders reported that he had not been able to do any good in instructing that nation, because they were untameable men, and of a stubborn and barbarous disposition. Oswald, when in banishment, spent some time with some of his fellowsoldiers in Ireland, and had then received the sacraments of baptism; and thus it is that he had solicited a bishop by whose instruction and ministry the English nation which he governed might be taught the advantages of the faith in the Lord. Nor were they slow in granting his request, and subsequently sent him Bishop Aidan, the middle ranks of the English nation were in a man of singular meekness, piety, and moderation, zealous in the cause of God, &c. On the arrival of the bishop, the king appointed for him his episcopal see in the isle of Lindisfarne, &c. The king, almost humbly and willingly in all cases giving ear to his admonitions, most industriously applied himself to build and extend the Church of Christ in his kingdom, wherein, when the bishop, who did not perfectly understand the English language, preached the Gospel, it was most delightful to see the king himself interpreting the word of God to his commanders and ministers, for he had perfectly learned the language of the Scots (Irish). From that time many Irishmen came daily into Britain, and with great devotion preached the word of faith to those pro

⚫ Chronicles of the Ancient British Church, pp. 93-4.

Ireland in the year of our Lord's Incarnation (664), who, in the days of the bishops Finan and Colman, forsaking their native island, had retired thither, either for the sake of divine studies, or of a more continent life; and some of them presently devoted themselves faithfully to a monastical life; others chose rather to apply themselves to study, going about from one master's cell to another. The Irish most willingly received them all, and took care to supply them gratuitously with daily food, as also to furnish them with books to read, and then teaching without making any charge."

In the last part of the fifth, and beginning of

3 Bede's Eccles. Hist. book III. c. 3.
4 Ibid. chapters 168, 9-10.
Ibid. book III. chap. 21.

• Ibid. book III. chap. 24.
Ibid. book III. chap. 27.

the sixth century, a numerous company of Irish saints, bishops, abbots, and sons and daughters of kings and noblemen " came into Cornwall, and landed at Pendennis."s Hence they diffused themselves over the western part of the country, and at these several stations erected chapels and hermitages. Their object was to advance the Christian faith.9 The traditionary record of the Isle of Man is that St. Patrick founded an episcopal see there, and appointed Germanus its first bishop, and after his death Conondricus and Romulo. St. Muchutus occupied the see from A.D. 498 to 518.10 Without entering into the details of the emigration of the Bretons into Armorica, it is enough to say that fifty years after that event (circa A.D. 510) the Gospel reigned in the peninsula. Innumerable monasteries rose on all the principal points of the territory, especially on the sea coast, &c. But the most ancient and celebrated of all these sanctuaries was that of Landevenec, which became the most active centre of the spread of Christianity, as well as of manual and literary labour, in Western Gaul. Its founder was Grenuole, &c. It is supposed that he had been educated by St. Patrick, the apostle of Ireland, and that the rule followed at Landevenec was that of St. Columba." The richest districts of France trace the origin of their prosperity to the industrious and enlightened cultivation of Irish monks: witness, among a thousand other places, that portion of La Brie, between Meaux and Joarre, once covered by a vast forest, the first inhabitant of which was an Irish monk, Fiacre, whose name still continues popular, and whom our gardeners honour as their patron saint.12 Sigisbert, one of the Irish monks expelled from Luxeuil, separated from his master Columbanus at the foot of the hill, which has since been called St. Gothard; and crossing the glaciers and peaks of Crispalt, directing his steps to the east, arrived at the source of the Rhine, and thence descended into a vast solitude, where he built a cell of branches, where afterwards was founded a monastery, which still exists under the name of Dissentis, &c. Thus was won, and sanctified from its very source, that Rhine whose waters were to lave so many illustrious monastic sanctuaries.13 At the same time some of his compatriots sowed the seed among the semi-pagan populations of Eastern Helvetia and of Rhetia.14

These facts were well known to Camden. He tells us that the Scotchmen coming out of Ire

8 Leland; Borlase and Polewhele, passim.

9 Blight's Ancient Crosses, p. 36.

10 Chronicles of the Ancient British Church, p. 95. 11 Montalembert's Monks of the West, vol. ii. 272.

12 Mabillon, Acta Sanctorum, O. S. B. tome ii. 573; Montalembert's Monks of the West, vol. ii. 376.

15 Ibid., p. 245.

14 Ibid., p. 455.

land planted themselves in Britain on the north side, and established a kingdom in those parts, which, with a manlike courage and warlike prowess, they have not only maintained at home, but also have purchased great honour abroad. For the French cannot but acknowledge that they have seldom achieved any honourable acts without Scottish hands, who therefore are deservedly to participate the glory with them. As also divers parts of France, Germany, and Switzerland cannot but confess that they owe to the Scottish nation the propagation of good letters, and Christian religion amongst them.15

Professor Arnold, lecturing recently on the study of Celtic Literature-a subject on which the general public, as well as his scholastic Oxford audience, were wholly ignorant-pointed out that there is a Celtic literature voluminous and worth studying; but, as one of the critics has observed, "the English policy in Ireland has been from the first in every way offensively anti-national." And even in the present day the Irish class-books issued by the authorities, "rich in the natural history of zoophytes, full about the seven nations of Canaan, ignore or malign the men whose memory lives, and will live, in the people's hearts as the true heroes of the country." 16

I have rigidly abstained from quoting an Irish writer. All my witnesses are of the highest character, learned, unbiassed, and impartial. I could fill folios with corroborative evidence of equal weight, such as Ptolemy, Onomacritus, Marcianus, Heraclites, Bonaventura, Maronus, Henrick of St. Germain, Bayle, Moreri, Leibnitz, Peyron, Pictet, Dr. Johnson, Grimm, Zeuss, Torfæus, Snorro Sturleson's Heimskringla, Worsaae, and a host of others, ancient and modern. I shall now confine myself to one quotation more.

I hope I have succeeded in proving that it is not "under the fostering hands of English teachers we (the Irish) have so soon emerged from barbarous ignorance; " that it is not true "that the boast of our civilisation is laughed at by every antiquary in Europe;" and that it is not true that "the Danes or Easterlings, &c., first brought the slightest knowledge and civilisation to her previously excluded shores." May I not appeal with some hope of a verdict in my favour, and venture to address my infelicitous countryman in the words of the Roman satirist —

"Solventur risu tabulæ; tu missus abibis." Much equally open to refutation remains unnoticed. JOHN EUGENE O'CAVANAGH.

Lime Cottage, Walworth.

[The discussion of this subject must here be closed.— ED.]

15 Camden's Remains Concerning Britain. London, 4to, 1673, p. 12.

16 Contemporaneous Review, October, 1867.


(3rd S. xii. 245.)

I copy the following remarks on this subject from Oxenham's very faithful translation of Professor Döllinger's useful treatise, The First Age of the Church, vol. ii. Appendix 2:—

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"When Pilate told the Jews to condemn Christ themselves, instead of demanding that he should do so, they replied, according to John, xviii. 31: It is not lawful for us to put any one to death.' This answer is taken by De Wette as implying that the Roman government had deprived the Sanhedrim of the power of life and death (Erkl. des Joh. p. 269). Josephus is appealed to in proof of this, as saying that the Sanhedrim could not hold a court without the procurator's consent (Jos. Arch. xx. G. 1); and the Talmud, as saying that forty years before the destruction of Jerusalem, Israel lost the power of life and death; and, lastly, there is the analogy of Roman law. It would certainly be strange if Pilate, in telling the Jews to judge Christ themselves, publicly insulted the people and their rulers, yet so it must have been, if he knew they could not do what he told them. Indeed, he must have twice mocked them in this way, for he says again (John xix. 6), Take ye Him, and crucify Him.' Any one acquainted with Roman history and manners would think this repeated insult of a nation by its Roman governor at least very improbable; doubly so here, for Pilate was afraid of the Jews, and condemned Christ from fear of their denouncing him to the President of Syria or the Emperor. And again, this view is inconsistent with the Gospel narrative, which makes the fulfilment of Christ's prophecy about the manner of His death a result of the refusal of the Jews to try Him themselves, instead of being (as it then would be) the inevitable result of existing circumstances. The analogy of Roman law' is no evidence that the Jews had lost their autonomy, and the cities and countries which retained it were numerous. Strabo observes that Marseilles was not subjected to the Roman provincial legates, nor, again, Nemandus and the whole tribe to which it and twenty-four other towns belonged. Claudius first deprived the Syrians of their freedom, because they had put Roman citizens to death (Div. i. 60, p. 676, 681), and the Rhodians were likewise deprived of it for crucifying Romans, for this freedom and autonomy could always be taken away at the will of the Emperor and Senate, and often was. In all cases of uproar, high treason, and disturbance of public order, the Roman authorities could judge and punish; but in religious matters, and what concerned the law of Moses, full power was left to the Jewish authorities to pronounce and execute sentence of death. Hence Pilate said to the Jews, 'I find no fault in Him, take ye Him and crucify Him' (John, xix. 6), i. e. 'I find no proof of sedition or high treason, which are the crimes I have to punish. Whether he has offended against your religion and law, I know not, or leave unsettled; if you think so, punish Him yourselves.' It is unnatural and against history to

assume that this was a mere mockery of the weakness of the Jews. Nor is the attitude of Jewish authorities towards the Apostles intelligible, except on the assumption of their full autonomy and power of life and death in religious matters. We read (Acts v. 33), that the Sanhedrim in great wrath was resolved to kill them, when Gamaliel changed its decision, not from any doubt of its power. Stephen's death was the result of a formal trial, and witnesses were heard, however passionate the execution; nor does it stand alone, for Paul says (Acts, xxvi. 10), 'Many of the saints I put in prison, having

received power from the high priests, and I voted for their execution. The testimony of the Talmud that the Jews were deprived of the power of life and death forty years before the fall of the capital, cannot be accepted, for the date is wrong. Judæa became a Roman and then, if at all, this must have taken place. province, not forty, but sixty years before Jerusalem fell,

What then did the Jews mean? (John, xviii. 31.) They wanted Jesus to be crucified, and therefore wanted Pilate to pronounce sentence, for else they would have had to stone him, as they did Stephen. Therefore they charged Him with aiming at royalty, for that was a political crime which the Roman government must judge. They also wished Him to die, not after, but during the Easter festival, when the city was full of visitors from all countries, and by the most shameful death, at the hands of the heathen. For Jews to execute the punishment at that time would have been a desecration of the feast, as we learn from Philo (In Flaccum, p. 976, Paris, 1640). But if they had said this distinctly, Pilate would have answered, Then wait till the feast is over.' To preclude that, they said equivocally, We can kill no one,' i. e. (1) on a charge of high treason; (2) during the feast." W. I. S. HORTON.

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The Jewish tribunals lost their power of sentencing to death in civil cases when Judæa became a Roman province, about fifty years before the destruction of Jerusalem. See Calmet, or most Commentaries on the Bible.




(3rd S. xii. 187.)

Hartill is the name of an extinct family that in ancient times was located in the parish of Burnsall in Craven, at or near the romantic village of Hartlington, or, as it was originally called, Hartilton, or the town of Hartill. Kennedy, in his De Clifford, a Romance of the Red Rose, calls the spot rugged Harthill." The arms of the above family are unknown to me. "If found" I "will make a note of" for C. S. G., who does not give any locus in quo for his names. The arms on the seal are, it appears to me, those of Hartill; they are what the heraldrists call "Canting Arms." Heart was formerly often spelled Harte. We frequently find it so in the compound word Sweet-harte. Hart ill may, by a pun,

be made to signify a wounded heart. This is heraldically represented by a heart pierced with arrows. Such a representation is a very ancient Christianity. In the Catholic church, sorrow and one, and has existed from the earliest times of trouble have always been pictorially represented by arrow- or sword-pierced hearts. The "eye" with the "three small lines" evidently represents the ever-watchful eye of Providence sending healing rays of glory (the lines of C. S. G.) on the wounded heart below. The eye with rays is a very ancient ecclesiastical design: it is also a Masonic one. The "crescents" are differences, or

genealogical distinctions, to mark the consanguinital degree of the bearer to the head of his family. It is more correct blazonry to place these distinctions in the chief; but the rule is arbitrary, and, like the gules hand of the Baronet, they may be put in any other part of the shield. The device is by no means bad. If the Hartills of C. S. G. were of the Craven stock, we may observe that in the dialect of the district ill signifies grief or grieving. Thus we say "his mishap's meade him a deal o' ill"; i. e. grief. Harthill (in the concluding paragraph of C. S. G.) seems to be the name of another family. The word signifies the hill of the Hart. The arms, "on a mount proper a stag (? hart) lodged," are by no means inappropriate. It is not improbable that the two families may have originally sprung from the same Saxon stock. One family may have diverged from the other, and the difference in arms and orthography may have occurred when the separation took place. This is very probable. Such instances are well known to every heraldrist and genealogist. The confusion between Hart and Heart is very common. It may have originated when orthography was not very uniform. Thus, "Bleeding Hart Yard," in Hatton Garden, is sometimes called in print "Bleeding Heart Yard." Mr. Barham in his Legend adopts the heart, but the street authorities have painted up "Bleeding Hart Yard," probably in deference to the sensitive feelings of the inhabitants of that classic, diabolical, and legendary region! Lady Hatton's palace, by the bye-where she was "wanted"was not in Bleeding Heart Yard. It occupied the site of the present Swedenborgian church in Cross Street, and was some small distance from the locale of Mr. Barham's legend. S. JACKSON. The Flatts, Malham Moor. Craven.

(3rd S. xii. 254, 289.)

E. L. S. tells us, in language more succinct than elegant, that Tone slit "his own windpipe with a sharpened tenpenny-piece while the hangman and the cart were waiting for him at his prison door." But we may the more readily excuse this style of writing when we remember how long E. L. S. has sat in an Orange lodge "among the noblest and almost the highest in the land.' MR. REDMOND, speaking from the extremely opposite point of view, says that Tone" was found dead in prison," and "it was said and is believed to this day, for it never was contradicted, that he was foully murdered in his cell." Here a simple fact, scarcely sixty-nine years old, is told in two different ways, according to the prepossessions of the tellers; and as both of the accounts are incorrect, we have a true idea of how history is made up in Ireland.

Tone was tried by Court Martial on November 10, 1798, and was condemned "to die the death of a traitor" in forty-eight hours; the sentence was ratified by Lord Cornwallis. On the morning of the 12th, John Philpot Curran, a homines trium literarum, as E. L. S. elegantly observes, as soon as the Court of King's Bench was opened, addressed the Chief Justice, Lord Kilwarden, and produced an affidavit signed by the father of Tone, stating that his son had been brought before a bench of officers calling itself a Court Martial, and sentenced to death, though he had no commission under his Majesty, and therefore no Court Martial could have cognizance of any crime imputed to him, while the Court of King's Bench sat in the capacity of the great criminal Court of the land. "I do not pretend," said Curran, "that Mr. Tone is not guilty of the charges of which he is accused," but he showed the extreme urgency of the case, saying that he (Tone) might be executed while a writ of habeas corpus was preparing. mediately ordered the Sheriff to proceed to the barracks and acquaint the Provost Marshal that a writ was preparing to suspend Mr. Tone's execution, and to see that he be not executed. The Sheriff speedily returned to the Court, and said, "I have been to the barracks; the Provost Marshal says he must obey Major Sandys; Major Sandys says he must obey Lord Cornwallis." The Chief Justice replied, "Mr. Sheriff, take the body of Tone into custody; take the Provost Marshal and Major Sandys into custody, and show the order of the Court to General Craig." The Sheriff

The Chief Justice im

once more went to the barracks and returned to the Court with the fatal news. He said that he had been refused admittance to the barracks, but he was informed that Mr. Tone had wounded himself dangerously the night before, and was not in a condition to be removed. Then a surgeon who had closed the wound gave evidence that there was no saying for four days whether the wound was mortal, but that removal would kill him at once. The Chief Justice immediately ordered a rule for suspending the execution.

Tone, with a penknife that he had secreted, inflicted a deep wound across his neck on the night of November 11. It being discovered by the sentry, a surgeon was called in at four o'clock in the morning, who closed up the wound, stopping the flow of blood. Tone lingered till November 19 before he expired.

Tone's son says, in his father's Memoirs —

"That his end was voluntary, his determination previous to his leaving France (which was known to us), and the tenor of his last letters incline me to believe. Neither is it likely that Major Sandys and his experienced satellites would perform a murder in so bungling a way as to allow their victim to survive the attempt during eight days. If this was the case, his death can never be considered as a suicide; it was merely the resolution of a

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That Tone was the most reckless of traitors there cannot be a doubt. He would have inflicted the greatest curse on his country that ever is recorded in history or fable, namely, a French army. He was actually tried in a French uniform, and the respite from the sentence of a court martial would have only lengthened his life but a few days, as he was certain to have been convicted by a jury. But the most extraordinary feature of the case remains yet to be related: Where could he have got the fatal tenpenny-piece we are told of by E. L. S.? Where, indeed, when we remember that Tone died in 1798, and tenpenny-pieces were first coined and issued in WILLIAM PINKERTON.



(3rd S. xii. 79, 250.)

Man"? One of the two Peppercorns, certainly. Mr. Barham was the only one who transferred the signature to a poem reprinted in a published volume; vide in Ingoldsby Legends, the Parody on "The Burial of Sir John Moore." I am, therefore, induced to fix the authorship of "The Darklooking Man" on the Rev. R. H. Barham. It is, as MR. R. W. DIXON observes, “very Barhamish." Mr. Williams was not a classic scholar, and would not have prefixed a Latin motto to one of his poems. The motto from one of Virgil's eclogues, in which "caveto" ludicrously rhymes to see to "*-the engrafting of a line from Scott's ballad of "Lochinvar" (vide line 1, 6th verse), and some expressions which we find repeated in the Legends-all convince me that "The Dark-looking Man" is from the pen of Mr. Barham, and ought to be incorporated in his works. And I shall hold to this opinion, unless MR. S. BLYTH can fix the paternity on Mr. Peacock. Mr. J. A. Williams is quite out of the question.

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MR. R. W. DIXON asks me whether Mr. Wil

Elvet, Durham, and contributed to no journal except his own. It was young, and required all his energy and support. It had it; and so became, what it now is, one of the most influential papers of the North of England. As a concluding word, I would ask: Cannot some of Mr. Barham's friends throw a little light on the above dark subject?

S. J.

I was not aware that a copy of the above poem liams ever lived in North Street, Pentonville? was amongst the literary collections that I left I do not know that he ever did. But I do know, with MR. R. W. DIXON. I am glad to see it in and from "personal knowledge," that when "The "N. & Q." It is a mistake to ascribe it to John Dark-looking Man" appeared in the Globe and Ambrose Williams. My MS. note, "J. A. Wil-Traveller, Mr. Williams was a resident in Old liams," is merely to show from whom my copy was obtained. My old friend Mr. Williams was anything but a funny man. He was an able political writer, a clever essayist, an acute reviewer, and a very excellent poet. I have several examples, but all are of a pathetic and serious cast. I have the excellent little songs, "When first we joyous met," and "To Eden's bowers," and a number of others. The early numbers of Mr. Williams's paper, the Durham Chronicle, certainly abounded with the most laughter-exciting articles in prose and verse. But this fun and gossip came from "the wags," and not from the serious editor and proprietor. I can explain the note which MR. R. W. DIXON cannot understand: "For Nos. 1 and 2, see file of the Globe and Traveller." It means that the Peppercorn poems-No. 1, the Parody on the "Burial of Sir John Moore "; and No. 2, "Rich and Poor, or Saint and Sinner " had appeared in previous numbers of that journal. Dr. Peppercorn's Christian name it seems was "H." and not "Peter."

I quoted from memory; and being abroad, had not an opportunity of consulting either the Ingoldsby Legends or my own collections. One thing has been made clear. As I suspected (3rd S. xii. 156), the Peppercorn signature was used by more than one writer. The Parody (as we now have it, 3rd S. xii. 79) was from the pen of Barham; and "Rich and Poor" (the Peppercorn poem, No. 2) has been satisfactorily proved by MR. S. BLYTH (3rd S. xii. 72) to have been written by Thomas Love Peacock. Now, who wrote "The Dark-looking

St. Maurice, Valais.

Thomas Love Peacock was the author of The Genius of the Thames (see Cat. Lib. Imp. Mus. Brit., 1817, v. 5). I shall be very much obliged to anyone who will give me any information as to the family or ancestors of this person, or of Lucy Peacock, the authoress of The Adventures of the Six Princesses of Babylon, 4to, 1785.

Bottesford Manor, Brigg.



ROMAN CANONIZATIONS (3rd S. xii. 245.) — W. W. of Malta will find an answer to his question in the Correspondance de Rome, an ecclesiastical weekly paper published in Rome. number of Saturday, June 22, 1867, p. 203, contains a return of all canonizations celebrated from the tenth century to the present day. The martyrs of the primitive church were canonized by the public voice, and the Ecclesia docens only ratified

*The rhyme proves that the author did not adopt the barous English mode. Italian pronunciation of the Latin tongue, but our bar

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