THOMAS MORRIS.

I rejoice, that the abolition of slavery throughout the civilized world, is no longer problematical; it seems to be almost universally conceded, that this stupendous fraud upon a portion of the human race is fast drawing to a close, and the great question with us is truly, what measures are best suited to accomplish this desirable end in the United States. In our otherwise free and favored country, slavery seems to have erected its strongest hold, and is not only striving to govern the councils of the country, the press and the pulpit; but even mind itself is attempted to be made subject to its rules; and I should almost despair of successful resistance, did I not see embodied in the cause of freedom more moral worth, more talent, more patriotism, more love of country, more devotedness to principles, than is embodied in any other cause in the United States. Yes. I repeat it, the gentlemen who are now, in our own country, engaged in the anti-slavery cause, seem, to me, to possess more moral worth, more talent, more patriotism and love of country, than any other body of men in the United States, not even excepting the public councils of the nation. It is true they are yet in the minority; but if I am not mistaken, in every age and country of the world in which men have been compelled, by oppression, to strike for freedom, they have been at first but few in number and a persecuted race. But where they have been sincere, making truth and justice their guide, success has universally been the final result of their efforts. With us the slave has no power of aetion, nor can we consent that his freedom shall be the purchase of his own arm; a merciful Providence, in order to prevent such dreadful catastrophes in our beloved country, has brought to his rescue, and united for his deliverance, the warmest hearts and soundest heads of the nation; and they present to the world the new, strange and cheering phenomenon, of men enjoying all the blessings of liberty themselves, yet willing to devote their time, their means, their all, to procure for the oppressed and down-trodden slave, those natural rights to which he is entitled, and which we promised to all men as the chief corner stone of our republican edifice. The moral power of such men is sufficient for this work, but that moral power must operate by means; and the elective franchise is the great, if not the only means to make it effectual. Political action is necessary to produce moral reformation in a nation; and that action with us can only be effectually exercised through the ballot box. And surely the ballot-box can never be used for a more noble purpose than to restore and secure to every man his inalienable rights. It seems to me to be almost an impossibility, that a man can be in favor of perpetuating American slavery, and yet be a friend to the principles of our government. If the ballot-box, then, is honestly and independently used, it alone will soon produce the extinguishment of slavery in our country.

For with what judgment ye judge, ye shall be judged and with what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again.

To preach deliverence to the captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them that are bruised.

Where the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.

RELIGIOUS AND MORAL TESTIMONY.

PRESBYTERIAN SYNOD of New York and Philadelphia, 1787.

The Synod of New York and Philadelphia, (1787,) do highly approve of the general principles in favor of universal liberty that prevail in America, and the interest which many of the states have taken in promoting the abolition of slavery. They earnestly recommend it to all the members belonging to their communion, to give those persons who are at present held in servitude, such good education as to prepare them for the better enjoyment of freedom. And they moreover recommend that masters, whenever they find servants disposed to make a just improvement of the privilege, would give them a peculium, or grant them sufficient time, and sufficient means of procuring their own liberty at a moderate rate; that thereby they may be brought into society with those habits of industry that may render them useful

citizens. And finally, they recommend it to all their people to use the most prudent measures, consistent with the interests and the state of civil society in the countries where they live, to procure eventually the final abolition of slavery in America.

Advice given by the Assembly, in relation to Slavery, in 1815.

"The General Assembly have repeatedly declared their cordial approbation of those principles of civil liberty which appear to be recognized by the Federal and State governments, in these United States. They have expressed their regret that the slavery of the Africans and of their descendants still continues in so many places, and even among those within the pale of the Church; and have urged the Presbyteries under their care, to adopt such measures as will secure at least to the rising generation of slaves, within the bounds of the Church, a religious education; that they may be prepared for the exercise and enjoyment of liberty, when God, in his providence may open a door for their emancipation.

“A full expression of the Assembly's views of Slavery, in 1818.

"We consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by another, as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred. rights of human nature; as utterly inconsistent with the law of God which requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves; and as totally irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ, which enjoin that 'all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, ďo ye even so to them.' Slavery creates a paradox in the moral system-it exhibits rational, accountable, and immortal beings in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. It exhibits them as dependant on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious instruction; whether they shall know and worship the true God; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel; whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearnents of husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends; whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. Such are some of the consequences of slavery; consequences not imaginary, but which connect themselves with its very existence. The evils to which the slave is always exposed, often take place in their very worst degree and form; and where all of them do not take place, still the slave is deprived of his natural rights, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hand of a master who may inflict проп him all the hardships and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest.

"We enjoin it on all Church Sessions and Presbyteries to discountenance, and as far as possible to prevent all cruelty, of whatever kind, in the treatment of slaves; especially the cruelty of separating husband and wife, parents and children; and that which consists in selling slaves to those who will either themselves deprive those unhappy people of the blessings of the gospel, or who will transport them to

METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH-S, HOPKINS, D. D.

places where the gospel is not proclaimed, or where it is forbidden to slaves to attend upon its institutions. The manifest violation or disregard of this injunction, ought to be considered as just ground for the discipline and censures of the Church. And if it shall ever happen that a Christian professor in our communion shall sell a slave who is also in communion with our Church, contrary to his or her will and inclination, it ought immediately to claim the particular attention of the proper Church judicature; and unless there be such peculiar circumstances attending the case as can bat seldom happen, it ought to be followed without delay, by a suspension of the offender from all the privileges of the Church, till he repent and make all the reparation in his power to the injured party."-Digest of the General Assembly, page 341.

METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH.

There is only one condition previously required of those who desire admission into these societies, a desire to flee from the wrath to come, and to be saved from their sins. But wherever this is really fixed in the soul, it will be shown by its fruits. It is therefore expected of all who continue therein, that they should continue to evidence their desire of salvation, by doing no harm, by avoiding evil of every kind, especially that which is most generally practised, such as-"the buying and selling of men, women, or children, with an intention to enslave them." OF SLAVERY,-Question.-What shall be done for the extirpation of the evil of slavery?

Answer 1.-We declare that we are as much as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery; therefore, no slaveholder shall be eligible to any official station in our Church hereafter; where the laws of the state in which he lives will admit of emancipation, and permit the liberated slave to enjoy freedom.

Answer 2.—When any travelling preacher becomes an owner of a slave or slaves, by any means he shall forfeit his ministerial character in our Church, unless he execute, if it be practicable, a legal emancipation of such slaves, conformably to the laws of the state in which he lives.-Doctrine and Discipline.

SAMUEL HOPKINS, D. D.

Are you sure your slaves have a sufficiency of good food, in season; and that they never want for comfortable clothing and bedding? Do you take great care to deal as well by them in these things, as you would wish others would treat your own children, were they slaves in a strange land? If your servants complain, are you ready to attend to them? Or do you in such cases frown upon them, or do something worse, so as to discourage their ever applying to you, whatever they may suffer, having learned that this would only be making bad worse? Do you never fly into a passion, and deal with them in great anger, deciding matters respecting them, and threatening them, and giving sentence concerning them, from which they have no appeal, and perhaps proceed to correct them, when to a calm bystander you appear more fit to be confined in a bedlam, than to have the sovereign, uncon

trollable dominion over your brethren, as the sole lawgiver, judge, and executioner? Do not even your children domineer over your slaves? Must they not often be at the beck of an ungoverned, peevish child in the family; and if they do not run at his or her call, and are not all submission and obedience, must they not expect the frowns of their masters, if not the whip?

If none of these things, my good sir, take place in your family, have we not reason to think you a most singular instance? How common are things of this kind, or worse, taking place between masters and their slaves? In how few instances, if in any, are slaves treated, as the masters would wish to have their own children treated, in like circumstances? How few are fit to be masters? To have the sovereign dominion over a number of their fellow men, being his property, and wholly at his disposal; who must abide his sentence and orders, however unreasonable, without any possibility of relief?

But are we at the same time making slaves of many thousands of our brethren, who have as good a right to liberty as ourselves, and to whom it is as sweet as it is to us, and the contrary as dr adful! Are we holding them in the most abject, miserable state of slavery, without the least compassionate feeling towards them or their posterity, utterly refusing to take off the oppressive galling yoke! Oh, the shocking, the intolerable inconsistency! And this gross, barefaced inconsistency is an open, practical condemnation of holding these our brethren in slavery; and in these circumstances the crime of persisting in it becomes unspeakably greater and more provoking in God's sight; so that all the former unrighteousness and cruelty exercised in this practice, is mnocence, compared with the awful guilt that is now contracted. And in allusion to the words of our Saviour, it may with great truth and propriety be said, "If he had not thus come in his Providence, and spoken unto us, (comparatively speaking,) we had not had sin, in making bond-slaves of our brethren; but now, we have no cloak for our sin."--Dialogue on African Slavery, 1776,'republished 1785, by the N. Y. Manumission Society, whose president was John Jay.

JONATHAN EDWARDS.

The eradication, or even the diminution of compassion, tenderness, and humanity, is certainly a great depravity of heart, and must be followed with correspondent depravity of manners. And measures which lead to such depravity of heart and manners, cannot but be extremely hurtful to the state, and consequently are extremely impolitic. African slavery is exceedingly impolitic, as it discourages industry. Nothing is more essential to the political prosperity of any state, than industry in the citizens. But in proportion as slaves are multiplied, every kind of labor becomes ignominious; and in fact, in those of the United States, in which slaves are the most numerous, gentlemen and ladies of any fashion disdain to employ themselves in business, which in other states is consistent with the dignity of the first families and first offices. In a country filled with negro slaves, labor belongs to them only, and a white man is despised in proportion as he applies to