way of giving aid to the backward peoples of the earth and of protecting them from exploitation by any stronger power. It is the League which is to determine when Germany, Austria, Bulgaria, and Turkey have become admissible to the league. It is the League which offers the only available means of getting put into execution the ideals for which the American people went to war. Without it the sacrifices America made for the war will be in vain. With it the treasure spent and the young lives sacrificed will have earned an immense gain for mankind. It is the League which will find the way to the suppression of militarism among the civilized nations; that is, to the annihilation of a military class of professional soldiers who have no occupation except war and preparation for war, and who are always at the service of any despotic government-purporting to represent the divine right of kings, or to be the socialistic superstate-ambitious of territorial or commercial extension, The treaty in its present form is by no means perfect from the American point of view; but it contains within itself the means of its own perfecting.

A minority of the American Senate is threatening to prevent or delay the ratification of this invaluable treaty. Some of the reasons given for such delay or defeat can only be described as ignominious and dastardly. They represent the American people as tired of their disinterested crusade for justice and liberty throughout the world, and desirous

of returning to their former belief in their own prosperity and safety through isolation. Let the American people make known to the Senate that they hold firmly to the ideals with which they went to war in April, 1917, and that they are not so stupid as to believe that the United States can avoid sharing in any political and industrial calamities which may afflict the rest of the world. Other arguments used against the treaty suggest that the American people should be careful about assuming new responsibilities for the welfare of other nations, and should keep its breath to cool its own hot porridge. These, too, are arguments which appeal to the less generous and idealistic side of the American character. Hence, they will be unsuccessful. One great lesson of the war is that the American people will support their Government in doing everything possible to promote public liberty, health, and happiness not only at home but in any part of the world to which its influence can extend, and will pledge to that cause "their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor," as the signers of the Declaration of Independence said to each other on July 4, 1776.

The covenant and treaty-they are inseparable-will go down in history as the most memorable international agreement ever made. It will probably be many years before the details of the struggle at Paris will become known to the world; but one thing is now known-America contributed a great hope and a noble inspiration.

I

F men were to be deterred from striving for ideal conditions for humanity merely because at first the thing sought might not be attained, humankind would not have advanced beyond the missing link between the monkey and the caveman.

One who can view the Versailles

Treaty without partisan prejudice, through neither German nor American glasses, must confess that from the hour of its birth in conferences it came as near being ideal as accumulated international hatreds permitted.

Never before had a peace treaty such a deep ethical foundation. Never before did it occur, in advance of confirmation, that a projected treaty would be adapted in its opera

tions to all the new events and conditions of life, and therefore it would not rigidly handicap the proper development of any nation. This announcement must soon bring Germany within the League of Nations, cleansed of its former frightful and uncleanly national experiences.

Not only will there be salvation for us in the new order of affairs. Defying all Senatorial opposition, I foresee that the man who, amid the uproar of violent passion, was able to put through this code whereby humanity is to be cleansed and cleanly directed, assuredly represented worthily his Fatherland, al

living every day in touch with the shortcomings and weaknesses that cling to the individual, however great he may be in large affairs, easily loses the "nimbus" that may be readily seen from the distance. Every head of a state, crowned or uncrowned, when seen from near by, appears small to those accustomed to the old style of hero worship.

I can easily understand how the universal human interests that guided America during her participation in the actual conflict of war may now seem little more than phrasemaking to practical politicians, who think it now time to look after America's special needs, and that new aims and ambitions should stir the thoughts of the people or should be pushed to the foreground for partisan or other purposes. But the stubbornly repeated assertion sounds incredible to me that the favor of the people and the love and respect of the masses have turned away from the leader who, like a Moses, pointed out to a new world the promised land and the road leading thereto.

UCH of the discussion with re

Mgard to the League of Nations

seems to be based upon an imperfect understanding of what will be required of our country if she ratifies the Covenant. It is evident that what we need first of all is to gain a clear and unprejudiced conception of this Covenant as far as it affects ourselves.

WHAT ARE OUR AGREEMENTS, RIGHTS AND DUTIES IF WE JOIN THE LEAGUE?

1. The United States is to send not more than three representatives to the Assembly, who together are to have one vote. We may appoint these representatives as we see fit. Art. III-4.

2. The United States is to send one representative to the Council under like conditions. Art. IV-6.

UNANIMITY

It should be carefully noted that "Except where otherwise expressly provided for . . . decisions at any meeting of the Assembly or of the Council shall require the agreement of all members of the League represented at the meeting." Art. V-1.

This important requirement of unanimity is often not taken into account, it being assumed that the United States is to be at the mercy of other nations and that the British Empire, for instance, is to have six votes to our one in the Assembly. It

would be more true to the facts to say that each nation is so afraid of losing any part of its sovereignty that it insists on having the power to block action. As far as our own country is concerned, it means that no decision can be reached without the consent of our representatives except in matters of procedure and in certain other cases, specifically mentioned in the Peace Treaty. As for the British Empire, it is hardly likely that States with such diverse interests as Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand and India will always be in agreement with each other in all questions.

(It should be noted that in the Council the whole British Empire has only one vote, in spite of the fact that it includes, roughly speaking, a quarter part of the entire population of the world.)

The Council must meet at least once a year. The powers conferred upon it by the signatories, though much greater than those of the Assembly, are strictly limited and do not affect the sovereignty of the individual states. Its membership "may be increased by the unanimous consent of the Council and a majority of the Assembly." (Official Summary, p. 3.) Art. IV-2.

PLEDGES

The sovereignty of the signatories is, however, necessarily somewhat affected by the pledges which they make voluntarily when joining the League in order that the objects which they wish to bring about and which they individually approve, may be accomplished.

In joining the League the signatories voluntarily pledge themselves:

1. To reduce their armaments, plans for such reduction being suggested by the Council, but only adopted with the consent of the states themselves; and thereafter not to increase them without the concurrence of the Council.

2. To exchange full information.

of their existing armies and their naval and military programs.

3. To respect each other's territory and political independence and guarantee them against foreign aggression.

4. To submit all disputes either to arbitration or to inquiry by the Council, which latter, however, may not pronounce an opinion on any dispute whose subject matter falls solely within a state's domestic jurisdiction; in no case to go to war till three months after an award, or an unanimous recommendation has been made, and even then not to go to war with a state which accepts the award or recommendations.

5. To regard a state which has broken the Covenant as having committed an act of war against the League, to break off all economic and other relations with it and to allow free passage through their territories to the troops of those states which are contributing armed forces on behalf of the League.

6. Not to consider any treaty binding till it has been communicated to the League which will then proceed to publish it, to admit the right of the Assembly to advise the reconsideration of treaties and international conditions which do not accord with present needs, and to be bound by no obligations inconsistent with the Covenant.

A state which breaks its agreements may be expelled from the League by the Council. (Official Summary, pp. 4-5.) Arts. VIII,

X, XII, XIII, XV-XX.

7. To endeavor to secure and