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By M. P. WEBSTER

OES the Peace Treaty abro

D gate or does it sustain the

Fourteen Points? Both claims are made. What are the facts? Point One advocates open diplomacy.

The present treaty, although not yet made public in its entirety, has already been given to the world in condensed form.

The secret pacts, which were even recently in vogue, were kept from the public both before and after they were signed.

Point Four guarantees the reduction of armaments.

Section V provides for the disarmament of Germany, "in order to render possible the initiation of a general limitation of the armaments of all nations" (Official Summary of the Treaty of Peace with Germany) "to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforcement by common action of international obligations" (Covenant, Art. VIII). Point Five advocates "a free, open

Point Two concerns the freedom of minded and absolutely impartial ad

the seas.

This applies especially to the case of neutrals in time of war. Since the objects of the League are to prevent war and to organize the world for peace, there will be, according to its provisions, no neutral nations. Thus Point Two is no longer needed. In time of war all nations will be belligerents, and in time of peace the seas are always free.

Point Three concerns the removal of economic barriers and the establishment of equal trade conditions.

These are provided for in the Peace Treaty under Section XII and

also in Art. XXIII of the Covenant, and in Section III of the Treaty, Danzig and its surrounding territory is made a "Free City" under the direct guaranty of the League of Nations.

NOTE―The reader will find the full text of the "Fourteen Points" on page 125 of the issue of the LEAGUE OF NATIONS MAGAZINE for February, 1919.

justment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined."

The first question here is as to whether Germany has any "equitable claims" to her former colonies.

Germany thinks she has "equitable claims," the Allies think she has not, and by Section IV of the Peace Treaty she is required to renounce her overseas possessions. Most persons outside of Germany will consider this is a just decision, in accordance with Point Five.

The second question under this Point is whether the interests of the populations concerned are sufficiently protected. This, also, is a matter where opinions may differ, but the success and gradual progress to

self-government of the English colonies; our own experience in Cuba and the Philippines and the work of Japan in Formosa stand in marked contrast to the former military regime in the German colonies; and Germany's harsh treatment of the native population wherever she gained control, not merely in uncivilized, but even in civilized countries, proves her absolute unfitness to be a mandatory power. Neither by temperament nor by education have Germans been made considerate of the welfare of peoples whom they believe to be inferior to themselves. Point Six concerns Russian Interests.

By the Peace Treaty (Section III), “Germany agrees to respect, as permanent and inalienable the independency of all territories which were part of the former Russian Empire, to accept the abrogation of

the Brest-Litovsk and other treaties entered into with the Maximalist government of Russia, to recognize the full force of all treaties entered into by the allied and associated powers with states which were a part of the former Russian Empire, and to recognize the frontiers as determined thereon. The allied and associated powers formally reserve the right of Russia to obtain restitution and reparation on the principles of the present treaty."

Point Seven states that "Belgium... must be evacuated and restored."

Germany has evacuated Belgium. Under Section VIII of the Peace Treaty reparation for war damage is provided for and Germany under

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Point Nine states that "a readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality."

This matter belongs to the treaty with Austria. As is well known, it has proved to be one of the most. difficult problems to settle, partly owing to the fact that while the cities of Dalmatia are largely Italian, the country districts are populated by the Jugo-Slavs. If this very intricate question is not decided in the best manner at the present time it is sure to come before the League for readjustment, but in its consideration the claims of both Italy and Jugo-Slavia have been given careful attention.

Point Ten was changed by the formation of the new Czecho-Slovak and Jugo-Slav nations. These have both received recognition.

Point Eleven has to do with Russia, Serbia and Montenegro.

These countries are to be dealt with in the treaties with Austria and Bulgaria.

Point Twelve has to do with Turkey and is as yet unsettled.

Point Thirteen advocates the erection of an independent Polish state, with free access to the sea. This has been accomplished.

Point Fourteen advocates the formation of a League of Nations "for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike."

The question whether the Covenant of the League of Nations does this

or not is still an open one. It must remain undecided for some length of time, probably for many years. But is that a reason for opposing the Covenant? What did we expect that the Covenant and the rest of the Peace Treaty would be? A paragon of Wisdom, springing fully equipped for action from the omniscient brains of the "Big Four"? Let us be thankful that it is as good as it is. Let us start it going and then let us guide it in the straight and narrow path of international righteous

ness.

LEAGUE IN PEACE TREATY WITH AUSTRIA

given to Austrian nationals of non-German speech for the use of their language before the courts. Austrian nationals belong

The official summary of the peace treaty proffered by the Associated Powers to the Republic of Austria, June 2, contains important requirements under the League of Nations beyond those specified in the similar regard to schools and other educational

treaty with Germany. They demand nothing less than a bill of rights to protect minorities and guarantee racial, linguistic and religious freedom:

In a series of special clauses Austria undertakes to bring her institutions into conformity with the principles of liberty and justice and acknowledges that the obligations for the protection of minorities are matters of international concern over which the League of Nations has jurisdiction. She assures complete protection of life and liberty to all inhabitants of Austria, without distinction of birth, nationality, language, race or religion, together with the right to the free exercise of any creed. All Austrian nationals without distinction of race, language or religion are to be equal before the law.

No restrictions are to be imposed on the free use of any language in private or public and reasonable facilities are to be

ing to racial, religious or linguistic minorities are to enjoy the same protection as other Austrian nationals in particular in

establishments and in districts where a considerable proportion of Austrian nationals of other than German speech are resident; facilities are to be given in schools for the instruction of children in their own language and an equable share of public funds is to be provided for the purpose.

These provisions do not preclude the Austrian Government from making the teaching of German obligatory. They are to be embodied by Austria in her fundamental law as a bill of rights and provisions regarding them are to be under the protection of the League of Nations.

In the first draft of the Covenanttreaty proffered to Germany the full text of Article 80, Section VI, reads:

Germany acknowledges and will respect strictly the independence of Austria, within the frontiers which may be fixed in a treaty between that state and the principal allied and associated powers; she agrees that this independence shall be inalienable, except with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations.

By FLORENCE GRISWOLD

"Come let us reason together" saith the Lord-Isaiah, i, 8.

TH

THE Community Club of Grand Street, an organization of East Side men, graduates of the public schools of that district interested

in the civic affairs of the Lower East Side of New York, asked former President William Howard Taft to speak before a representative audience of the neighborhood on the League of Nations. Opportunely Mr. Taft selected April 12. As the date fell just before the Passover, the Jewish mind, even the renegade, turned naturally to abstractions and the things of the spirit. It was a psychological moment for the presentation of a message.

The lecture was given in one of the largest public schools in the world, P. S. 62, situated at the corner of Hester and Essex Streets, the heart of the Ghetto, and facing Seward Park, the pulpit of radical oratory. The Seward Park Community Centre Association, which occupies the building at night, co-operated with the club to make the lecture a success. No admission fee was charged.

The lecture was given in a typical New York frame, cosmopolitan, democratic, non-sectarian. In honor of a former president of the United States, on the platform sat Judge Russell of the Municipal Court, Mr. Eugene C. Gibney of the Board of Education, Dr. Simon Tannebaum, Assemblyman Abraham S. Goodman, Mr. Jacob Saltzman, Director of the

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When Mr. Elias Fensed introduced the lecturer, the applause which came so warmly and generously from all parts of the house was too general and spontaneous to have sprung from a padded audience. The Lower East Side liked Mr. Taft, his genial face and friendly, honest smile won it from the first. But the Ghetto felt that it already knew the lecturer, it had become acquainted with his name as it hung in every saloon on the East Side proclaiming the fact that a “safe and sane man,' "the former President of the United States, stood firmly against prohibition. Although intoxication is not a Jewish problem, the East Side felt that Mr. Taft was a man to be trusted, that he was a real democrat, a friend of the people.

With the wisdom of the serpent, Mr. Taft prefaced his remarks with a glowing tribute to the patriotism of the East Side, which, he said, he was aware of before the war. This diplomatic stroke pleased the audience, particularly the younger element, who felt that they had suffered unjust criticism on account of their neighbors who had not become not become "Americanized." After a slight introduction, Mr. Taft plunged into his subject, outlining clearly and distinctly the four steps that the League of Nations provides for the maintenance of peace. While he used simple While he used simple English words, knowing that the people to whom he was speaking were largely foreign-born or Americans in the first generation, Mr. Taft did not talk down to his audience. He knew that among his listeners were some of the most thoughtful and intelligent men and women of the East Side. Certainly the audience was lacking in the applause and wild enthusiasm with which it greets a Socialistic Congressman, but it made up for the deficiency in a very evident desire to listen to reason and to learn what the League of Nations meant to do for peace.

The meeting was orderly, due to the fact that the radical element, smelling capitalism, police, and the Home Guard, thoughtfully absented itself. The "capitalistic government" in its various and manifold forms, is taboo by its enemies, "the friends of the working people." A bushyheaded, foreign-born radical of twenty, with energetic gestures and waving of mane, summed up most

ably this lack of interest on the part of his confrères. "Why should I waste my time going to a capitalistic meeting? We radicals do not have to have the League of Nations explained to us. Don't you know that we East Side people are the most intellectual in the world? No," he snorted, "I can use my time better. If I sit still and listen, I get nowhere. where. If I ask questions, I get thrown into prison."

When the audience left the school that night, men and women of the Ghetto understood as they had not previously, what the League of Nations was trying to do to make a peaceful world. Mr. Taft's message was a distinct appeal to reason, and hence the Hebrew grasped the import of the message. Did not the God of Moses and Abraham reason with the Prophets? The Jew as he is known in the Ghettos must have a subject explained to him orally before he can grasp its import. This refers particularly to the foreign-born, who reads the Yiddish newspapers, has had little or no training in the American public schools, and consequently knows little of the history, literature, or traditional method of thought of the country and people, although he may be learned in Hebrew and the traditions of the country from which he emigrated. While Mr. Taft's speech had no effect on the radical element of the Lower East Side of New York, he converted to the cause those who were willing to listen to reason, and who had been before either indifferent or antagonistic because they had not understood the

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