First-it may attempt to do something beyond the powers of any of the Governmental agencies created by the Constitution, thus contravening those great general limitations contained, mainly, in the first ten Amendments to that instrument and designed to protect individual right, or,

Second-it may in some way trench upon the prerogatives of Congress.

Since the beginnings of our Government the debates between the House and the Senate have been frequent as to the powers of each in connection with a Treaty. There is nothing new or novel in this; and the present Covenant does not raise any new questions in this regard. The Agreement of 1818 with Great Britain regarding the non-fortification of the Great Lakes might as well be brought in question by Senator Knox as any of the clauses contained in the League Covenant. The constitutional point can scarce deserve serious attention.

The actual dangers of the situation, however, are in some degree apparent to the learned Senator, for his

Resolution provides that diplomatic commissions must act for the United States where participation is necessary in matters covered by the League Covenant. In other words, having fought, in the language of Mr. Knox, "for the defense of civilization," we must now refuse to do anything further for that same civilization. This would be worse than a crime: it would be a blunder, for, in the end, this Nation cannot continue indefinitely indifferent to transAtlantic concerns, and by aloofness would find its safety imperiled again, its institutions threatened, and its good faith questioned.

The sound sense of thinking people in America, who, in such a paramount matter, are indifferent to party politics, careless of personal resentments and pettiness, whether in Senate or Executive, will not allow the policy set forth in this Resolution to disappoint the hopes of millions of men throughout the world for a better world system than that which existed in 1914, and will refuse to sanction an attitude of impossible and selfish exclusion which brought the fair name of this great and generous nation into disrepute during the three years before our entry into the war, when organized and seemingly triumphant Prussian vandalism menaced the world with its foul blight.

FREDERIC R. COUDERT.

For exchange of scientific knowledge and perpetuation of friendly relations between the United States and Sweden, twenty students will be interchanged between the

countries next year by the American-Scandinavian Foundation. Ten Americans will go to Sweden and ten Swedish students will study in various American universities.

S°

O far as Europe was concerned, from the time of the Congress

of Verona until 1904, Great Britain revolved in its own orbit, as clearly defined as that of the United States. After the revolution of 1830 committed France to Liberalism, the two western Powers were usually grouped together, and Russia remained the main prop of the Holy Alliance of Autocrats. The last application of the principles of the Holy Alliance was the Russian intervention in 1849 to save the Habsburgs from Kossuth's revolt. After the defeat of Russia in the Crimean War and the death of Nicholas I, the leadership in autocracy passed to Prussia and to the Germany which Bismarck welded together with "Blut und Eisen." Instead of the league which Alexander had planned, there was gradually recognized a European Concert, an uncertain, kaleidoscopic affiliation of inharmonious governments.

Nevertheless, the European Concert, despite its incongruous elements, made some spasmodic progress toward united action for the common welfare.

In September, 1880, by a display of naval power, it compelled Turkey to cede Dulcigno to Montenegro.

In the same year, and again in 1906, it decided the fate of Morocco, and in the latter action the United States was represented.

In 1884-85, at Berlin, it defined the principles of territorial delimitations in Central Africa, and recognized the Congo Free State.

In 1886, by use of naval force, it compelled Greece to abstain from war with Turkey.

In 1889 it interfered at Zanzibar to put an end to the slave trade.

In 1897 it blockaded the island of Crete and established there an international control which lasted for more than a decade, and was finally ended by the union of Crete with Greece.

In 1899, and again in 1907, it joined in world congresses at the Hague, in the hope of introducing disarmament and preventing war as a means of deciding international controversies. The most outstanding achievement of the Hague Conferences was the creation of the Permanent Tribunal of Arbitration.

In 1900 the European Concert, with the United States and Japan added, invaded China to suppress the "Boxer" outbreak against foreigners, and mulcted China in large sums as indemnities.

continents was removed by the power of steam and electricity, of the telegraph and telephone.

The moral barrier between the political systems of democracy and autocracy endured longer.

The Holy Alliance was right in regarding the political institutions of the United States as a menace to itself.

John Quincy Adams was right in asserting that the political system of the Holy Alliance must not find a lodgment on these shores.

Woodrow Wilson was right in landing the power of the United of the United States in Europe to crush Kaiserism, let us hope forever.

The United States is right in working now to lodge the political system of all English-speaking races in all European nations, and as speedily as may be, everywhere around the globe.

The League of Nations is right in trying to establish and safeguard a central authority to preserve and protect the common welfare. Throughout the world isolations should end.

Co-operation should become the rule. Already, through the necessities of economic and social intercourse, the nations of the earth have, during the last half century, fused their sovereignties in more than fifty public international associations "for the common welfare."

Among the best-known and mostbeneficent of these nerve-centers of international union are the Universal Postal Union, Universal Telegraphic Union, and Radiotele

graphic Union, the International Institute of Agriculture and International Opium Conference. The United States has long been committed to the principle of a League of Nations for American affairs. The Pan-American Union is such a League. It has grown out of an attempt, initiated in 1889-90 to allay the doubts and suspicions, which crude assertions of the Monroe Doctrine and an aggressive diplomacy had engendered among our Hispanic American neighbors. At first only a bureau for disseminating information, it has now become a Council of American Governments.

Moreover, the United States, in 1907, took the lead in establishing a League within this league of American Nations.

Elihu Root, then Secretary of State, was at that same time laboring through his representatives at the second Hague Conference to create an International Court of Justice for the world. His effort at the Hague failed, but the Central American Peace Conference at Washington, over which he presided in person, created not only the Central American League of Nations out of five States, but also procured the establishment of the Central American Court of Justice in the following year.

After ten years of useful activity, this truly International Court and Union fell upon evil times in 1917. A decision of the Court rendered necsary such diplomatic action by the United States as this Republic, facing unmeasured responsibilities

elsewhere, was not prepared to give. Secretary Root's handiwork will not be lost. In a happier day it must be re-established.

The outstanding lesson of all these enterprises in common is that States, whether they like it or not, are compelled by common interests, just as individuals are, to work together, and to unite their forces for the common good. As all human activities are more and more closely knit together across all boundary lines of race and speech and allegiance, the closer organization of the whole world becomes inevitable and desirable.

If the international organization retains the capacity to grow, to change for the better, and to bring justice to pass, it will endure. If it hardens into a defense of injustice, or merely a senseless maintenance of a status quo, it will be broken, or destroyed by internal explosions.

But if it be destroyed, new international agreements and alliances

KULTUR AND CULTURE

"We may see, then, without any academic obscurity, what German Kultur-a narrow, selfish, immoral organization of education, means. It had an ingrowing mind, and a barbarous spirit. It has been beaten, absolutely, on its chosen field of battle. Now the question is, what shall be the fruit of victory?

"Shall it be a relapse into the ancient chaos of international antagonisms based on mutual hatred and mistrust? Or shall it be an advance into a society of free nations pledged to maintain and enforce the pacific settlement of quarrels between nations on the basis of reason and justice?

"We should hold fast to the ideal of Culture, the knowledge and application of 'the best that has been thought and said in the

become immediately necessary. The world has become like one small village, and the nations, like householders, must stand together to manage it.

Out of the alliances against the attempt of revolutionary France to dominate Europe came the Holy Alliance. To the Holy Alliance succeeded the Balance of Power, and to that unstable equilibrium was added the European Concert. The German Attila wrecked the Concert, and out of the alliance against him has forthwith arisen this latest League of Nations, a far more promising plan that of Alexander and Castlereagh. Will it succeed where the latter failed? Yes, if it becomes a nursery of freedom and justice. It must be an insurance against wars, and more than that. But if this scheme crashes too, like its predecessors, its principle is indestructible, and must soon animate a new organism. So the Nations, like men, learn to walk by falling.

world.' As we have approved the call to arms against barbaric Germanism, so we should approve the effort to establish a better understanding and a wiser cooperation among the nations. Americanitis should be as repugnant to us as Germanism. The power of our Republic should be dedicated to the good of the world.

"It will be worthy,' said George Washington in his farewell address 'of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel experience of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.'

"Patriotism we believe in. Patriolatry we abjure and despise."-Henry Van Dyke, in Scribner's Magazine.