NATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD OF THE WORLD'S COURT LEAGUE Dr. Albert Shaw, President ALABAMA-Dr. Morris Newfield, 2150 So. Professor Geo. M. Stratton, University of Mr. Robert C. Root, Occidental College, Dr. David Starr Jordan, Stanford University, COLORADO-Bishop Francis J. McDonnell, 964 Logan Street, Denver. Mr. Clyde A. Duniway, Colorado Springs. CONNECTICUT-Professor Irving Fisher, 460 Prospect Street, New Haven. DELAWARE-President Samuel C. Mitchell, Delaware College, Newark. DIST. OF COL.-Commissioner Philander P. IOWA-President J. H. T. Main, Grinnell Dr. Edward A. Steiner, Grinnell College, KANSAS Senator Arthur Capper, Topeka. Professor Elbert Russell, 725 Euclid Avenue, Roland Park, Baltimore. Mr. Jackson H. Ralston, Hyattsville. MASSACHUSETTS-Mrs. Fannie Fern An drews, 405 Marlborough Street, Boston. Rev. Dr. James L. Barton, 14 Beacon Street, Boston. Rev. Dr. Howard A. Bridgman, 14 Beacon Rev. Dr. Francis E. Clark, United Society Mr. James P. Munroe, 79 Summer Street, Professor Lewis J. Johnson, Harvard Dr. Endicott Peabody, Groton School, Groton. Mrs. Rose Malcolm Forbes, 280 Adams Street, Milton. President Mary E. Woolley, Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley. Mr. Denis A. McCarthy, 26 Sargent Street, Winthrop MICHIGAN-President Charles McKenny, Michigan State Normal College, Ypsil anti. MINNESOTA-Rev. Harry P. Dewey, Plymouth Church, Minneapolis MISSISSIPPI-Dr. Dunbar Rowland, Department of Archives and History, State of Mississippi, Jackson. MISSOURI-Professor Jay William Hudson, University of Missouri, Columbia. Professor Manley O. Hudson, University of Missouri, Columbia. NEBRASKA-Professor George Elliot How- NEW YORK-Rev. John H. Melish, 126 Rev. Dr. Nehemiah Boynton, Clinton Ave- Dr. Stephen P. Duggan, Inst. of Interna- Rev. Dr. Junius B. Remensnyder, 900 Mad- Mr. Robert Underwood Johnson, 347 Madi- Dr. Albert Shaw, 30 Irving Place, New Mrs. Anna Garlin Spencer, 548 Riverside Miss Lillian D. Wald, 265 Henry Street, Dr. Stephen S. Wise, 23 W. 90th Street, President Henry N. MacCracken, Vassar NORTH CAROLINA-Judge Jeter C. Pritchard, Asheville. President Emeritus L. L. Hobbs, Guilford College. Superintendent J. Y. Joyner, Public Instruction, Raleigh. OHIO-Mr. B. F. Bourne, 905 Euclid Avenue, Cleveland. Mrs. Edward M. Williams, 601 Canal Road, Cleveland. Professor Philip Van Ness Myers, College Hill, Cincinnati. President George W. Hinman, Marietta College, Marietta. Mr. John H. Patterson, Dayton. PENNSYLVANIA - Hon. Thomas Raeburn White, 700 West End Trust Building, Philadelphia. SOUTH CAROLINA-President D. B. Johnson, Winthrop Normal and Industrial College, Rock Hill. TENNESSEE-President Bruce R. Payne, George Peabody College for Teachers, Nashville. TEXAS-Professor C. G. Haines, University of Texas, Austin. Hon. James L. Slayden, San Antonio, Texas. VIRGINIA-Professor Charles G. Maphis, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. VERMONT-Professor Charles B. Wright, Middlebury College, Middlebury. WISCONSIN-Professor John R. Commons, University of Wisconsin, Madison. MAGAZINE THE MONROE DOCTRINE IN THE COVENANT A NEW clause in the Covenant for a League of Nations recognizes the Monroe Doctrine. This spikes more of the opposition guns in the United States than any other single revision of the first draft. Article X of the first draft reads: "The high contracting parties shall undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all States members of the league. In case of any such aggression or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression the executive council shall advise upon the means by which the obligation shall be fulfilled." The reported amendment says: "The covenant does not affect the validity of international engagements, such as treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe Doctrine, for securing the maintenance of peace." It seems clear that President Wilson secured unanimous adoption of the amendment by the Commission on the League of Nations upon the plea that the League in adopting the principle of protection of member States against external aggression should not neglect to honor its father, the Monroe Doctrine. Back in 1917 the President had declared before Congress in memorable words: "I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should, with one accord, adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world; that no nation should seek to extend its policy over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own policy, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful." Recognition of the Doctrine by name in the covenant is a diplomatic achievement of high degree. For it is admitted by American authorities that it has been one of the most elastic doctrines ever promulgated by any government. The true story of the evolution of the doctrine down to date as told on pages 221-240 of this magazine is one that every American citizen ought to know. President Wilson's restatements of the doctrine supersede Secretary Olney's extreme declaration that the United States is practically sovereign on this continent and its fiat law, but there are senators, politicians and editors who still claim that the right to do whatsoever they will as far to the south as they please is United States Monroe Doctrine. Prussianism sought to do the same thing on a world scale; its power had to be broken at any cost; the conscience of the American people to-day will not sanction the use of the Monroe Doctrine as a mask for irresponsible might. The spirit of co-operation in a League of Nations calls for a better policy. There is widespread belief that the result of going into the war will force us now to choose between an exalted or a debased Monroe Doctrine. We devote this number of the LEAGUE OF NATIONS MAGAZINE chiefly to articles which will help readers to understand the issue. REVISION OF THE DRAFT FOR THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS B ESIDES the Monroe Doctrine amendment the Paris Commission on the League of Nations agreed upon several changes in the text of the Covenant to be reported to the full Conference for final adoption. Japan proposed to insert in the preamble declaring the purposes of the League, after the words "by the prescription of open, just and honorable relations relations between nations," a clause reading "by the indorsement of the principle of equality of nations and just treatment of their nationals." Unanimous approval for the proposal could not be obtained and the Japanese delegation reserved the right to present it to a plenary session of the Conference. The French delegation also reserved the right to bring forward two other proposals, one for the organization and effective control of the manufacture of war material and another for the establishment of permanent military control. A summary of the changes given to the press April 12, indicates that the Commission had careful redraft ing rather than fundamental alterations in mind and considers that additions specify a number of principles theretofore regarded by the Commission as implied in the Covenant. It is stated that the League will include the belligerent and neutral states named in a document annexed to the Covenant, and "in the future any self-governing country whose admission is approved by twothirds of the states already members of the League." A state may withdraw, providing it has kept its obligations to date, on giving two years' notice. A state which breaks its agreements may be expelled by the Executive Council. The number of Powers on the Council may be increased by the unanimous consent of the Council and a majority of the Assembly of Delegates. Decisions of both Council and Assembly must be unanimous except in certain specified cases, as matters of procedure, when a majority will decide. The Secretariat and all other bodies under the League may include women, equally with men. Reduction of armaments is pledged, on plans to be suggested by the Council but only adopted with consent of states themselves. In arbitration or inquiry by the Council the Council may not pronounce upon disputes concerning solely domestic state matters. When a state has broken the Covenant or committed an act of war against the League, the Council is to recommend ultimately what amount of armed force, if any, should be supplied by the several governments concerned, but the approval of the latter is necessary. Former German Colonies and Turkish territories are to be administered by states willing to be mandataries of the League. Amendments to the Covenant require unanimous approval of states in the Council and a majority (instead of three-fourths) in the Assembly. States dissenting from amendments so approved are not bound by them but cease to be members of the League. Most of the alterations evidently diminish the force of arguments based upon alleged undue interference with the exercise of sovereignty of states by the League and so far increase the chances of ratification by the United States Senate. Senator Cummins is one of those who signed the "round robin" against the Covenant in its first form, but who is said to have publicly declared that the reported changes will make it possible for him to approve it. Provisions for withdrawal, becoming a mandatary by consent, specifying when decisions in Council or Assembly shall be by unanimous vote or otherwise, and the like, embody numerous constructive suggestions brought out by public discussion of the first draft. Opponents of the League scheme like Senator Borah are, of course, not satisfied. Other irreconcilables who formerly warned us against dire perils of a superstate League are now arguing that the amended League is too much of a weakling to deserve anything but derision. Advocates of the League may well insist that in the consideration of the final draft-treaty its opponents shall not assume that it means what it does not say. The alternative to the best League the Paris conferees can agree to set up now is unending preparation for worse wars ahead. "Grease rather than guns will determine the peace of the world for the next hundred years the equitable_distribution of grease through the world. For the need of grease forces nations to begin wars ... and by grease one means fats, oils and meats. Even as it was largely the lack of grease that beat Germany, a fair treatment of Germany in the matter of grease by the world's masters will keep the world's peace. "This big outstanding fact makes an important international citizen out of the American farmer who gets up in the morn ing, stamps out in the snow, fires up the tank, heats the feed for his hogs before dawn and hauls feed for his fat steers in the early twilight. Time was in the last century when the American farmer was an individualist. His pork and beef were for his own table. Now his pork and beef go to the uttermost parts of the earth. Upon their equitable distribution by the nations of mankind depends the destinies of millions. The American farmer is the world's great purveyor of grease and grease is the pawn of peace."-William Allen White of Emporia, Kansas. |