wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.

9. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.

10. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development.

[On October 19, the President notified the Austro-Hungarian Government which had requested an armistice that certain conditions had changed since January 6. Quoting point 10, Secretary Lansing's note said: "Since that sentence was written and uttered to the Congress of the United States, the Government of the United States has recognized that a state of belligerency exists between the Czecho-Slovaks and the German and Austro-Hungarian Empires and that the Czecho-Slovak National Council is a de facto belligerent Government clothed with proper authority to direct the military and political affairs of the Czecho-Slovaks. It has also recognized in the fullest manner the justice of the nationalistic aspirations of the Jugo-Slavs for freedom. The President is, therefore, no longer at liberty to accept the mere "autonomy" of these peoples as a basis of peace, but is obliged to insist that they, and not he, shall be the judges of what action on the part of the Austro-Hungarian Government will satisfy their aspirations and their conception of their rights and destiny as members of the family of nations."]

11. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated, occupied territories restored, Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea, and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historical established lines of allegiance and nationality, and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.

12. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an abso

lutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.

18. An independent Polish state should be erected, which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international

covenant.

14. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.

THE "FOUR POINTS" OF
FEBRUARY 11

(Address to Congress)

First-That each part of the final settlement must be based upon the essential justice of that particular case and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring a peace that will be permanent.

Second-That peoples and provinces are not to be bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game, now forever discredited, of the balance of power; but that,

Third-Every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned, and not as a part of any mere adjustment or compromise of claims among rival States; and,

Fourth-That all well-defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe, and consequently of the world.

FOUR POINTS IN ONE, JULY 4

(Address at Mount Vernon)

There can be but one issue. The settlement must be final. There can be no com

promise. No halfway decision would be tolerable. No halfway decision is conceivable. These are the ends for which the associated peoples of the world are fighting and which must be conceded them before there can be peace:

I. The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that can separately, secretly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of the world; or, if it cannot be presently destroyed, at the least its reduction to virtual impotence.

II. The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrangement, or of political relationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately concerned, and not upon the basis of the material interest or advantage of any other nation or people which may desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery.

III. The consent of all nations to be governed in their conduct toward each other by the same principles of honor and of respect for the common law of civilized society that govern the individual citizens of all modern States in their relations with one another; to the end that all promises and covenants may be sacredly observed, no private plots or conspiracies hatched, no selfish injuries wrought with impunity, and a mutual trust established upon the handsome foundation of a mutual respect for right.

IV. The establishment of an organization of peace which shall make it certain that the combined power of free nations will check every invasion of right and serve to make peace and justice the more secure by affording a definite tribunal of opinion to which all must submit and by which every international readjustment that cannot be amicably agreed upon by the peoples directly concerned shall be sanctioned.

These great objects can be put into a single sentence. What we seek is the reign of law, based upon the consent of the governed and sustained by the organized opinion of mankind.

THE FIVE POINTS OF SEPTEMBER 27 (Address at Metropolitan Opera House, New York.)

As I see it, the constitution of that league of nations and the clear definition of its objects must be a part, is in a sense the most essential part, of the peace settlement itself. . . . It is necessary to guarantee the peace, and the peace cannot be guaranteed as an afterthought.

First, the impartial justice meted out must involve no discrimination between those to whom we wish to be just and those to whom we do not wish to be just. It must be a justice that plays no favorites and knows no standard but equal rights of the several peoples concerned;

Second, no special or separate interest of any single nation or any group of nations can be made the basis of any part of the settlement which is not consistent with the common interest of all;

Third, there can be no leagues or alliances or special covenants and understandings within the general and common family of the league of nations;

Fourth, and more specifically, there can be no special, selfish economic combinations within the league and no employment of any form of economic boycott or exclusion except as the power of economic penalty by exclusion from the markets of the world may be vested in the league of nations itself as a means of discipline and control.

Fifth, all international agreements and treaties of every kind must be made known in their entirety to the rest of the world.

One of the last editorials dictated by Mr. Roosevelt, January 3, three days before his death, to which frequent reference has been made of late, is here reprinted from the Kansas City Star:

"It is, of course, a serious misfortune that our people are not getting a clear idea of what is happening on the other side. For the moment, the point as to which we are foggy is the league of nations. We all of us earnestly desire such a league, only we wish to be sure that it will help and not hinder the cause of world peace and justice. There is not a young man in this country who has fought, or an old man who has seen those dear to him fight, who does not wish to minimize the chance of future war. But there is not a man of sense who does not know that in any such movement if too much is attempted the result is either failure or worse than failure.

"The trouble with Mr. Wilson's utterances, so far as they are reported, and the utterances of acquiescence in them by European statesmen, is that they are still absolutely in the stage of rhetoric, precisely like the fourteen points. Some of the fourteen points will probably have to be construed as having a mischievous sentence, a smaller number might be construed as being harmless and one or two even as beneficial, but nobody knows what Mr. Wilson really means by them, and so all talk of adopting them as basis for a peace or league is nonsense and, if the talker is intelligent, it is insincere nonsense to boot. So Mr. Wilson's recent utterances give us absolutely no clew as to whether he really intends that at this moment we shall admit Russia, Germany, with which, incidentally, we are still waging war, Turkey, China and Mexico into the league on a full equality with ourselves. Mr. Taft has recently defined the purposes of the league and the limitations under which it would act in a way that enables most of us to say we very heartily agree in principle with his theory and can, without doubt, come to an agreement on specific details.

"Would it not be well to begin with the league which we actually have in existence, the league of the Allies who have fought

through this great war? Let us at the peace table see that real justice is done as among these Allies, and that while the sternest reparation is demanded from our foes for such horrors as those committed in Belgium, Northern France, Armenia and the sinking of the Lusitania, nothing should be done in the spirit of mere vengeance. Then let us agree to extend the privileges of the league as rapidly as their conduct warrants it to other nations, doubtless discriminating between those who would have a guiding part in the league and the weak nations who would be entitled to the privileges of membership, but who would not be entitled to a guiding voice in the councils. Let each nation reserve to itself and for its own decision and let it clearly set forth questions which are non-justiciable. Let nothing be done that will interfere with our preparing for our own defence by introducing a system of universal obligatory military training modelled on the Swiss plan.

"Finally, make it perfectly clear that we do not intend to take a position of an international meddlesome Matty. The American people do not wish to go into an overseas war unless for a very great cause and where the issue is absolutely plain. Therefore, we do not wish to undertake the responsibility of sending our gallant young men to die in obscure fights in the Balkans or in Central Europe or in a war we do not approve of. Moreover, the American people do not intend to give up the Monroe Doctrine. Let civilized Europe and Asia introduce some kind of police system in the weak and disorderly countries at their thresholds, but let the United States treat Mexico as our Balkan peninsula and refuse to allow European or Asiatic powers to interfere on this continent in any way that implies permanent or semi-permanent possession. Every one of our Allies will with delight grant this request if President Wilson chooses to make it, and it will be a great misfortune if it is not made.

"I believe that such an effort made moderately and sanely, but sincerely and with utter scorn for words that are not made good by deeds, will be productive of real and lasting international good."

Dr. Aristides Agramonte, Habana, Cuba.
Dr. Eusebio Ayala, Asunción, Paraguay.
John Barrett, Director-General of the Pan-
American Union, Washington, D. C.

Dr. Antonio Batres Jauregui, El Presidente del Poder Judicial, Guatemala.

Mr. George Louis Beer, 329 West 71st Street, New York City.

M. Enrico Bignami, Villa Coenobium, Lugano, Switzerland.

Dr. R. Brenes Mesén, Secretary of Public Instruction, San José, Costa Rica.

Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, New York. President of

the Council.

Dr. W. Evans Darby, "Jesmond," 59 Norfolk Road, Seven Kings, Essex, England.

Dr. M. Diaz Rodriguez, El Ministro de Fomenta, Caracas, Venezuela.

Professor Guglielmo Ferrero, Historian, Viale Machiavelli, No. 7, Florence, Italy.

Dr. Edoardo Giretti, Deputy in Parliament, Briccherasio, Italy.

Dr. Juan Silvano Godoi, Museo de Bellas Artes é Histórico y Biblioteca Americana, Asunción, Paraguay.

M. Henri Golay, Secrétaire général du Bureau international de la Paix, Berne, Switzerland.

Dr. Charles Noble Gregory, 1502 H Street, N.
W., Washington, D. C.

Dr. Alonso Reyes Guerra, San Salvador.
Mr. Carl Heath, Parliament Chambers, Great
Smith Street, Westminster, London, S. W.,
England.

Mr. F. W. Hirst, 27, Campden Hill Square,
W., London, England.

Mr. John A. Hobson, 3, Gayton Crescent, Hampstead, N. W., London, England.

Dr. William I. Hull, Professor of History and International Relations, Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Pa.

Dr. Toyokichi Iyenaga, Managing Director The East and West News Bureau, Woolworth Building, New York City.

Jhr. B. de Jong Van Beek en Donk, 24 Raamweg, The Hague, Netherlands.

Baron K. Kaneko, Tokio, Japan.

Hon. W. L. McKenzie King, The Roxborough, Ottawa, Canada.

Gen. F. D. Légitime, Port-au-Prince, Haiti.
Dr. Magalhaes Lima, 92 Rua Larga de S.
Roque, Lisbon, Portugal (Former Minister).
Dr. Frederick Lynch, Secretary, The Church
Peace Union, 70 Fifth Ave., N. Y. City.
Dr. Francisco Manrique, Civil Engineer, Guay-
aquil, Ecuador.

Hon. Theodore Marburg, Baltimore, Maryland.

Dr. Rafael Montúfar, Villa Montúfar, Paramus Road, Ridgewood, N. J.

Dr. Ernesto Nelson, Universidad Libre, Buenos Aires, Argentina.

Dr. Otfried Nippold, Professor of International Law, Thun, Switzerland.

Mr. Alex H. Nordvall, Stockholm, Sweden.

Prof. L. Oppenheim, Whewell House, Cambridge, England.

M. Paul Otlet, General Secretary of the Union of International Associations, 4, Rue Edouard VII., Paris, France.

Sir George Paish, Limpsfield, Surrey, England.

Sir Gilbert Parker, 20, Carlton House Terrace, London, S. W., England.

Dr. Jules Prudhommeaux, General Secretary of the "Association de la Paix par le Droit," and of the European Bureau of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 8 Rue Jacques Boyceau, Versailles, France.

Hon. Paul S. Reinsch, Minister, Legation of the United States, Peking, China.

Dr. Charles Richet, Hospital No. 32, CôteSt. André (Isère) Paris, France.

Hon. William Renwick Riddell, The Supreme Court of Ontario, Osgoode Hall, Toronto, Can.

Dr. Dámaso Rivas, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.

Dr. Theodore Ruyssen, Rue Monjardin, 10 Nimes, France.

Mr. Fernando Sanchez De Fuentes, Habana, Cuba.

H. E. Baron Y. Sakatani, Koishikawa, Haramachi, Tokio, Japan.

Dr. Albert A. Snowden, 120 Broadway, New York City.

Dr. Jokichi Takamine, Equitable Building, New York City.

Judge William H. Wadhams, 126 East 80th Street, New York City.

Hon. Edward Wavrinsky, Stockholm, Sweden. Rt. Hon. Lord Weardale, 3 Carlton Gardens, London, S. W., England.

Prof. George G. Wilson, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

Mr. H. Charles Woods, 171 Victoria St., London, S. W., England.

Mr. L. S. Woolf, Hogarth House, Richmond, Surrey, England.

Mr. Israel Zangwill, Far End, East Preston, Sussex, England.

Dr. E. S. Zeballos, Buenos Aires, Argentina.