of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; that this war is not waged on our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremocy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired; that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to

cease.

A motion to lay it on the table was lostyeas, 52; nays, 114. Under the rules it was laid over, and was not called up again.

On the 17th, Mr. Edgerton, of Indiana, offered the following resolution:

Whereas the proclamations of the President of January 1, 1863, and December 8, 1863, in relation to emancipation, impose conditions of pardons and amnesty to the persons who have participated in the existing rebellion, as well as conditions precedent to the establishment and recognition of State government in the States to which said proclamations apply, which, in the judgment of a large number of faithful citizens, have a tendency to give to the rebellion "the advantage of a changed issue," and "to reinvigorate the otherwise declining insurrection in the South," and to prolong the war; and whereas this House cannot but regard with anxiety the unprecedented and extraordinary claims and assumption of high prerogative by the President in said proclamations, especially in view of the fact that the President, in his inaugural address of the 4th day of March, 1861, declared, "I have no purpose direct ly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists; I believe I have no right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so; therefore,

Resolved, As the judgment of this House, that the maintenance inviolate of the constitutional powers of Congress, and the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric of Federal union depends; and we denounce, as among the gravest of crimes, the invasion or occupation, by armed force, of any State, under the pretext or for the purpose of coercing the people thereof to modify or abrogate any of their laws or domestic institutions that are consistent with the Constitution of the United States; and we affirm the principle declared in this resolution to be a law, alike to the President and the people of the United States. It was laid on the table by the following

vote:

YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Beaman, Blaine, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Brandegee, Broomall, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cobb, Cole, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Driggs, Dumont, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Garfield, Gooch, Grinnell, Hale, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, John H. Hubbard, Hulburd, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Lovejoy, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, McIndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, William H. Randall, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Smith, Smithers, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Tracy, Van Valkenburgh, Elihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Whaley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, and Woodbridge-90.

NAYS-Messrs. James C. Allen, Ancona, Augustus C. Baldwin, Bliss, Brooks, James S. Brown, Cox, Cravens, Dawson, Dennison, Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Griswold, Hall, Harding, Harrington, Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Holman, William Johnson, Kernan, King, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Le Blond, Long, Mallory, Marcy, McDowell, McKinney, Middleton, William H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Perry, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, John B. Steele, William G. Steele,' Stiles, Strouse, Stuart, Sweat, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Ward, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Winfield, Fernando Wood, and Yeaman-66.

On the 17th of January, Mr. Rogers, of New Jersey, offered the following resolution on the prosecution of the war:

Resolved, That as our country and the existence of the old Union are imperilled by a rebellion against the wisest and best Government ever devised by man, we are for the most united, determined, and vigorous prosecution of the war for the purpose of enforcing the Constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, in all parts of the United States; but at the same time we are for adding to force the power of conciliation and compromise so far as is consistent with an honorable and lasting peace, and founded solely upon a restoration of the Union under the Constitution, and in no event to agree to or countenance a dissolution of the Union; and that we believe the appointment of commissioners upon the part of the Federal Government, to meet commissioners similarly appointed by the insurgent States, to convene in some suitable place, for the purpose of considering whether any, and if any, what plan may be adopted consistent with the honor and dignity of the nation, and based upon a restoration of the whole Union, by which the present war may be brought to a close, and the lives, limbs, and health of the gallant officers and soldiers of the Union preserved, and the liberties of the people maintained, is not inconsistent with the honor and dignity of the Federal Government, but, as an indication of the spirit which animates the adhering States, would, in any event, tend to strengthen us in the opinion of other nations and the loyal people of the insurgent States; and hoping, as we sincerely do, that the people of the Southern States would reciprocate the peaceful indications thus evinced, and believing, as we do, that, under the blessings of God, great benefits would arise from such conference, we most earnestly recommend such conference to the consideration of the President and Senate of the United States, and request their cooperation therein, sioners for that purpose. and hope that the President will appoint commis

Resolved, That the people of the several States now in rebellion against the Government of the United States, whenever they shall desire to return to the Union and obey the Constitution of the United States, and laws made in pursuance thereof, have a right under and by virtue of the said Constitution to reorganize their respective State governments with all their domestic institutions as they were before the war, and to elect Representatives to the Congress of the United States, and be represented in the Union with all the rights of the people of the several States, and without any conditions precedent except that of being liable to be punished according to the Constitution, and laws made in pursuance thereof, as their laws and acts of secession are unconstitutional and void.

Whereas, in the opinion of this House, the Federal Government is invested by the Constitution of the United States with all necessary power and authority to suppress any resistance, whether armed or unarmed, to the rightful power and jurisdiction of the United States; therefore,

Be it resolved, That in this national emergency Congress will forego all feeling of mere passion, except that which loyalty dictates, all resentment except such as is due to treason; and that this war of national self-defence against armed rebels, insurrectionary traitors, and sympathizing abettors, should be waged on our part until such rebels and traitors are conquered into love for the Union, and made obedient to the Constitution and laws of the United States, and take the oath of allegiance to the country, and of submission to the emancipation proclamation, and the proclamation of December 8, 1863; and when those objects are accomplished, the leading rebels and chief traitors should be hung, and the war

eease.

On the 18th, Mr. Smith, of Kentucky, offered the following:

Whereas a most desperate, wicked, and bloody rebellion exists within the jurisdiction of the United States, and the safety and security of personal and national liberty depend upon its absolute and utter extinction; therefore,

Resolved, That it is the political, civil, moral, and sacred duty of the people to meet it, fight it, crush it, and forever destroy it, thereby establishing perfect and unalterable liberty.

It was adopted by the following vote:

YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Arnold, Ashley, Bailey, Augustus C. Baldwin, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Blaine, Francis P. Blair, Jacob B. Blair, Boutwell, Boyd, Brandegee, Broomall, James S. Brown, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cole, Cravens, Creswell, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eldridge, Eliot, English, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Ganson, Garfield, Gooch, Grinnell, Griswold, Hale, Harding, Higby, Holman, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, Hutchins, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Kernan, Loan, Longyear, Lovejoy, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, McIndoe, Middleton, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Nelson, Odell, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, Radford, William H. Randall, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Rogers, Edward H. Rollins, James S. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Smith, Smithers, Spalding, Stebbins, Stevens, Strouse, Stuart, Sweat, Thayer, Thomas, Tracy, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Wadsworth, Elihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Webster, Whaley, Wheeler, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Winfield, and Woodbridge-112.

NAYS-Messrs. James Č. Allen, Ancona, Dennison, Benjamin G. Harris, Long, Marcy, McDowell, William H. Miller, Morrison, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Robinson, Stiles, Voorhees, Chilton A. White, and

Fernando Wood-16.

cob B. Blair, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Clay, Cole, Creswell, Thomas T. Davis, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Garfield, Gooch, Grinnell, Higby, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, Hulburd, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Orlando Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Lovejoy, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, McIndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Smithers, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Elihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Webster, Whaley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, and Woodbridge-83.

NAYS-Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Ancona, Augustus C. Baldwin, Francis P. Blair, Brooks, James S. Brown, William G. Brown, Chanler, Cox, Cravens, Dawson, Dennison, Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, English, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Griswold, Hale, Hall, Harding, Harrington, Benjamin G. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hutchins, William Johnson, Kernan, King, Knapp, Le Blond, Long, Marcy, McAllister, McDowell, McKinney, Middleton, William H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Radford, William H. Randall, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, Smith, John B. Steele, Stiles, Strouse, Stuart, Sweat, Tracy, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Winfield, Fernando Wood, and Yeaman-68.

Mr. Schenck, of Ohio, on February 29th, offered the following resolutions:

Resolved, That the present war which this Government is carrying on against armed insurrectionists and others, banded together under the name of "Southern Confederacy," was brought on by a wicked and wholly unjustifiable rebellion, and all those engaged in or aiding or encouraging it are public enemies, and should be treated as such.

Resolved, That this rebellion shall be effectually put down, and that, to prevent the recurrence of such rebellions in future, the causes which led to this one must be permanently removed.

Resolved, That in this struggle which is going on for the saving of our country and free Government, there is no middle ground on which any good citizen or true patriot can stand; neutrality, or indifference, or any thing short of a hearty support of the Government, being a crime where the question is between loyalty and treason.

The first resolution was agreed to, and the second and third unanimously.

On the 17th of December, Mr. Smith, of Kentucky, offered the following resolutions:

Resolved, That as our country, and the very existence of the best Government ever instituted by man, are imperilled by the most causeless and wicked re bellion that the world has seen, and believing, as we do, that the only hope of saving this country and preserving this Government is by the power of the sword, we are for the most vigorous prosecution of

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power upon which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends.

It was referred to the Committee on the Rebellious States by the following vote:

YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Ja

forced and obeyed in all parts of the United States; and to that end we oppose any armistice, or intervention, or mediation, or proposition for peace, from any quarter, so long as there shall be found a rebel in arms against the Government; and we ignore all party names, lines, and issues, and recognize but two parties in this war-patriots and traitors.

Resolved, That we hold it to be the duty of Congress to pass all necessary bills to supply men and money, and the duty of the people to render every aid in their power to the constituted authorities of the Government in the crushing out of the rebellion, and in bringing the leaders thereof to condign punishment.

Resolved, That our thanks are tendered to our soldiers in the field for their gallantry in defending and upholding the flag of the Union, and defending the great principles dear to every American patriot.

The first resolution was adopted-yeas, 98; nays, 65. The second and third resolutions were also adopted-yeas, 152 and 166; nays, 1, Benjamin G. Harris.

In the House, on the 7th of January, Mr. Baldwin, of Massachusetts, offered the following resolution:

Whereas the organized treason having its headquarters at Richmond, exists in defiant violation of the national Constitution, and has no claim to be treated otherwise than as an outlaw; and whereas this Richmond combination of conspirators and traitors can have no rightful authority over the people of any portion of the national Union, and no warrant for assuming control of the political destiny of the people of any State or section of this Union, and no apology but that of conspiracy and treason for any assumption of authority whatever; therefore, Resolved, That any proposition to negotiate with the rebel leaders at Richmond (sometimes called "the authorities at Richmond") for a restoration of loyalty and order in those portions of the Republic which have been disorganized by the rebellion, is, in effect, a proposition to recognize the ringleaders of the rebellion as entitled to represent and bind the loyal citizens of the United States whom they oppress, and to give countenance and support to the pretensions of conspiracy and treason; and therefore every such proposition should be rejected without hesitation or delay.

Whereas history teaches that there never has been a civil war that was not settled in the end by compromise, and inasmuch as no possible harm can result either to the character or dignity of the United States from an honest effort to stop the effusion of fraternal blood, and restore the Union by the return of the States in rebellion to their allegiance under the Constitution; and whereas the President, with a full knowledge of the lessons taught by history in relation to all civil wars, in his inaugural address said, "Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you;" and whereas we now have an armistice, decreed by the Almighty, and executed for the past two months by the snows and ice of winter, thereby affording time and opportunity for reflection upon the past three years of horrible, relentless, and destructive civil war with all its calamities, and a prospective view of increased horrors in the approaching conflicts; and whereas a preamble and resolutions were, on the 7th of February instant, introduced in the house of representatives of the confederate congress at Richmond denying the statement of the President of the United States "that no propositions for peace had been made to the United States by the confederate States," and affirming that such propositions were prevented from being made by the President of the United States, in that he had refused to hear, or even to receive, two commissioners appointed to treat expressly for peace; therefore,

Be it resolved, That the President be, and he is hereby most earnestly but respectfully, requested to appoint Franklin Pearce, of New Hampshire, Millard Fillmore, of New York, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and such other persons as the President may see proper

to select, as commissioners on behalf of the United States, who shall be empowered to meet a commission of like number when appointed for the same object on behalf of the confederate States, at such time and place as may be agreed upon, for the purpose of ascertaining before the renewal of hostilities shall have again commenced whether the war shall not now cease, and the Union be restored by the return of all the States to their allegiance and their rights under the Constitution.

It was rejected by the following vote:

YEAS-Messrs. James C. Allen, Ancona, Brooks, Coffroth, Dennison, Eden, Eldridge, Finck, Knapp, Long, McDowell, William H. Miller, Morrison, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Samuel J. Randall, Rogers, Ross, Stiles, Strouse, Voorhees, and Chilton A. White-22.

NAYS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnold, Ashley, Augustus C. Baldwin, John D. Bald. win, Baxter, Jacob B. Blair, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Brandegee, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cobb, Cole, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Ganson, Garfield, Grinnell, Griswold, Hale, Higby, Holman, Hooper, Hotchkiss, John H. Hubbard, Hutchins, Jenckes, Julian, Kelley, Orlando Kellogg, Kernan, King, Loan, Lovejoy, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, McIndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Nelson, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, Radford, William H. Randall, John H. Rice, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Smithers, Spald ing, Starr, Stebbins, John B. Steele, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Tracy, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Wadsworth, Elihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, field, and Woodbridge-96. Whaley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Win

In the House, on April 8th, the President's message was considered in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. Mr. Long, of Ohio, took the floor and said: "Mr. Chairman, I speak to-day for the preservation of the Government, and, although for the first time within these walls, I propose to indulge in that freedom of speech and latitude of debate so freely exercised by other gentlemen for the past four months, and which is admissible under the rules in the present condition of the House. But for what I may say and the position I shall occupy upon this floor and before the country I alone will be responsible, and in the independence of a Representative of the people I intend to proclaim the deliberate convictions of my judgment in this fearful hour of the country's peril.

"And now, Mr. Chairman, as we are in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, let us inquire how stands the Union today. A little over three years ago the present occupant of the Presidential mansion at the other end of the avenue came into this city under cover of night, disguised in plaid cloak and Scotch cap, lest, as was feared by his friends, he might have received a warmer greeting than would have been agreeable, on his way through Baltimore, at the hands of the constituents of the honorable gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Davis). On the 4th of March he was inaugurated, and in his address deprecated civil war, using that ever-to-be memorable language:

Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.

"Seven States had up to that time seceded from the Union. All believed that war would be averted. At the conclusion of the address the lamented Douglas, who had closely watched every word as it escaped from the lips of the President, turned to a friend, and, with tears in his eyes, thanked God that after all the election of Abraham Lincoln would not involve the nation in war.' A secret meeting of the Governors of a number of States was soon after held in this city. A scheme was devised and a vessel sent out, under pretence of furnishing provisions to the troops with Major Anderson in Fort Sumter. On arriving in Charleston harbor the people of that city fired upon the fort. The telegraph bore the news to this city, and on its first mention to the President he exclaimed, I knew they would do it; which to my mind is conclusive that it was intended expressly for that purpose. Seventyfive thousand men were immediately called for; war was inaugurated; twenty days were given the insurgents to lay down their arms; an additional five hundred thousand men were soon called for; hostilities commenced; the rebellion was to be crushed inside of sixty days; more troops were called for; the Union was to be restored with all the rights, equality, and dignity of the States unimpaired. No man was permitted to question for a moment the right of the Government to coerce the States back into the Union; to doubt the right or question the speedy suppression of the rebellion and restoration of the Union was to be denounced as a traitor to the Government and a sympathizer with the South. Thus, sir, was the war inaugurated. The first year passed away; the second came and passed in like manner; so of the third; and now, sir, let me again inquire, how stands the Union today?

The brief period of three short years has produced a fearful change in this free, happy, and prosperous Government-so free in its restraints upon personal liberty, and so gentle in its demands upon the resources of the people, that the celebrated Humboldt, after travelling through the country, on his return to Europe said, 'The American people have a Government which you can neither see nor feel.' So different is it now, and so great is the change, that the inquiry might well be made to-day, Are we not in Constantinople, in St. Petersburg, in Vienna, in Rome, or in Paris? Military governors and their provost marshals override the laws, and the echo of the armed heel rings forth as clearly now in America as in France or in Austria; and the President sits to-day guarded by armed soldiery stationed at every approach leading to the Executive Mansion. So far from crushing the rebellion in sixty days, three years have already

passed away; and from the day on which the conflict began up to the present hour, the confederate army has not been forced beyond the sound of their guns from the dome of the Capto in which we are assembled. The city of Washington is to-day, as it has been for three years, guarded by Federal troops in all the forts and fortifications with which it is surrounded to prevent an attack from the enemy; and as an evidence of the despondency of the Administration, and the unsuccessful opening of the spring campaign of the fourth year in the progress of the war, the 'Morning Chronicle' of this city, the President's organ, in an editorial a few mornings since, said:

Charleston has not been taken; Lee maintains a bold front on the Rapidan; the Florida expedition was a failure; the Sherman expedition has not been a success, and the rebels have everywhere shown more vigor than they were supposed to possess.

"Although the same paper and others in support of the Administration have told the country from time to time during the past winter that the rebellion was crushed and slavery was dead, that the confederates were deserting in whole regiments at a time, coming within our lines, taking the oath and describing the most horrible suffering and demoralization from want of food, clothing, and ill-treatment, yet at the very time the people have been so deceived and misled from day to day, the President calls for five hundred thousand more troops, and in a few weeks follows it with an additional call for two hundred thousand more, making seven hundred thousand since the 1st of January, and over two million five hundred thousand out of the three million five hundred thousand who voted in the so-called loyal States at the last Presidential election, since the commencement of the war, when seventy-five thousand militia were to end it in twenty, or, at most, in sixty days.

"Mr. Chairman, I have thus made a very brief statement of facts as to the condition of the Union to-day, and for doing which I have no doubt the usual charge of encouragement for the rebels,' 'the prolongation of the war,' 'the rebels are aided by their friends upon this floor,' and the like charges will be repeated again by gentlemen on the opposite side of the House; and as I have heard such charges so repeatedly during the past four months, I say now and here, that the real friends of the confederates, those who give them aid and encouragement and enable them to carry on the war, are on the opposite side of the House and in the control of the Government. Your confiscation resolution, voted for and passed by the friends of the Administration, by which you propose to thrust your hands into the coffin of the deceased father and take all he may have left at his death to his widow and innocent and unoffending children, is worth more than fifty thousand men to the confederate army. The order issued by the President to General Saxton, dividing up and par

celling out the State of South Carolina among the negroes and enterprising Yankees of Massachusetts, gives courage, energy, and enthusiasm to the men now in arms in the confederate States. The order of the President to his military commanders in Louisiana and Arkansas, and the order issued in pursuance thereof by General Banks to the people of Louisiana, in which, by a single dash of his pen, he strikes out of existence the constitution and organic law of the State, and by virtue of the power vested in him as a major general proceeds to call and hold an election and inaugurate State officers, and set up a State government, and the legislation consummated and proposed by Congress and speeches made upon this floor, in support of radicalism, is strengthening the confederacy and prolong ing the war. Herein, sir, is where they find strength; the true friends of the confederacy in the North are the radical abolitionists and the radical press goading on the President to issue proclamations and military orders, which provide food, raiment, strength, and support for the confederacy.

"If Mr. Lincoln had made a gift of millions of greenbacks to Jefferson Davis to be used as bounty money in recruiting the confederate army, he could not have done better service to the cause of the South than he has done by his silly, absurd, and insulting amnesty proclamation, and his equally absurd attempt to create State governments by dictatorial power. He has, in effect, said to the southern people, 'You shall not return to the Union except under such local governments as I and my military officers dictate;' and with the aid of his friends in Congress he is enabled to add: 'In the event of your submission and return, your estates shall be confiscated, your property, personal and real, shall be taken from you; your children shall be disinherited and left homeless and penniless to starve, under the scorn and hatred of northern fanatics; your lands and manor houses shall be parcelled out among our retainers; the negro (freedman) and the adventurer shall sit and rule at your hearthstones; and you, beggars and outcasts, shall be forbidden representation in our national councils, and be shut out forever from all offices of trust and honor.' Such is the language in which Mr. Lincoln and this Congress and the preceding Congress have spoken and are speaking to the people of the South. And now, sir, with such a prospect before them as the sequel of submission, outlawry, disfranchisement, social, moral, and political degradation, penury for themselves and their children, decreed as their portion, will they throw down their arms and submit to the terms? Who shall believe that the free, proud American blood, which courses with as quick pulsation through their veins as our own, will not be spilled to the last drop in resistance? This is the source, sir, from whence comes encouragement, strength, support, and susten

ance for the confederates; herein lies the secret of the unity of their action, the prolongation of the contest, and the desperation of the conflict, produced, not by any thing said or measures proposed by gentlemen upon this side of the House, or by any measures proposed or policy advocated by the Democratic party, but by the acts of the gentlemen who make the charges, and the President and his military commanders, who issue the proclamations and military orders.

"Mr. Chairman, I have deemed it proper thus to advert to the charges of encouragement to the confederates so repeatedly made upon, this floor, and I again recur to the consideration of the Union. Can the Union be restored by war? I answer most unhesitatingly and deliberately, No, never; war is final, eternal separation. My first and highest ground of opposition to its further prosecution is, that it is wrong; it is in violation of the Constitution and of the fundamental principles on which the federal Union was founded. My second objection is, that as a policy it is not reconstructive but destructive, and will, if continued, result speedily in the destruction of the Government and the loss of civil liberty, to both North and South, and it ought, therefore, to immediately cease.

"In order, Mr. Chairman, that we may know what views were entertained upon the right, as well as the expediency, of coercing States into submission, by some of the departed as well as living statesmen of the country, previous to the commencement of the present war, I propose to call the attention of the House and the country to a few extracts which, to my mind, are worthy of consideration at this time.

In 1827, during the administration of Mr. John Quincy Adams, when the Legislature of Georgia had passed an act setting aside the laws of Congress regulating intercourse with the Indian tribes within her limits, the messages of the President, of the 5th and 8th of February, 1827, in relation thereto, were referred to a select committee of the Senate, of which Colonel Benton was chairman, and of which Martin Van Buren and General William H. Harrison, both afterward Presidents of the United States, were members. The committee in their report (Senate Documents, second session Nineteenth Congress, Document No. 69) say:

It is believed to be among those axioms, which in a government like ours no man may be permitted to dispute, that the only security for the permanent union of these States is to be found in the principle of common affection, resting on the basis of common interest. The sanctions of the Constitution would be impotent to retain, in concerted and harmonious ac tion, twenty-four sovereignties, hostile in their feelings toward each other, and acting under the impulse of a real or imagined diversity of interest. The resort to force would be alike vain and nugatory. Its frequent use would subject it, with demonstrative certainty, to ultimate failure; while its temporary success would be valueless for all purposes of social