I have ever had opynion that some comforting drink at 4 a clock howre wch is the howre of my languishing were proper for me. Further evidence of a delicate constitution is found in his mother's letters. Chamberlain also alludes to it in a letter to Carleton in 1617, referring to Bacon's absence from his court owing to indisposition: "But in truth the general opinion is that he hath so tender a constitution both of body and mind that he will hardly be able to undergo the burden of so much business as his place requires. . . ." (Spedding, Life, vi. 200.) Rawley states that Francis Bacon was subject to fainting - fits, and attributes them (according to the astrological notions of the time) to the influence of the moon: "It may seem the moon had some principal place in the figure of his nativity: for the moon was never in her passion, or eclipsed, but he was surprised with a sudden fit of fainting." Spedding refers to Lord Campbell's comment on this that "no instance is recorded of Bacon's having fainted in public," but Aubrey gives an instance of his fainting at first hand : I remember Sir John Danvers told me, that his lordship much delighted in his curious garden at Chelsey, and as he was walking there one time, he fell downe in a dead-sowne. My lady Danvers rubbed his face, temples, etc., and gave him cordiall water as soon as he came to himselfe, sayde he, "Madam I am no good footman." Aubrey also has an interesting note about the activity of Bacon's imagination : His lordship would often drinke a good draught of strong beer (March beer) to-bedwards, to lay his working fancy asleep which otherwise would keep him from sleeping great part of the night. This is confirmed in a letter of Lady Anne Bacon written to Anthony Bacon in 1590: I verily think your brother's weak stomach to digest hath been much caused and confirmed by untimely going to bed, and then musing nescio quid when he should sleep. One of his speculative preoccupations was the prolongation of life, which he evidently regarded as a possibility of science. Thus he notes in a list following the New Atlantis, headed " Magnalia Naturae": The prolongation of life. The restitution of youth in some degree. The retardation of age. The curing of diseases counted incurable. He recurs to this thought in the course of his writings, with a certain consciousness of impiety, or, at any rate, of the risk of being charged with it. It will be found developed in the explanation of "Orpheus, or Philosophy" in the Wisdom of the Ancients. There are further notes on the subject in his "Medical Remains" printed at the end of Spedding, Works, vol. iii., described as "An extract by the lord Bacon, for his own use, out of the book of the prolongation of life, together with some new advices in order to health." A few of the most characteristic may be quoted: 10. In the third hour after the sun is risen, to take in air from some high and open place, with a ventilation of rosæ moschatæ, and fresh violets; and to stir the earth, with infusion of wine and mint. 15. Four precepts. To break off custom. To shake off spirits i disposed. To meditate on youth. To do nothing against a man's genius. 17. To use once during supper time wine in which gold is quenched. 26. Heroic desires. 32. That diet is good which makes lean, and then renews. Consider the ways to effect it. Bacon was very fond of flowers, especially the violet, the various scents appealing most to him; and similarly the scents of herbs. Aubrey notes: "At every meale, according to the season of the yeare, he had his table strewed with sweet herbes and flowers, which he sayd did refresh his spirits and memorie." He was also fond of music: "His lordship would many times have musique in the next roome where he meditated." But delicate as his senses were, there was no effeminacy in his taste or habit of thought. Evidence of this in regard to music will be found in his Essay on "Masques and Triumphs," and in one of his letters which will be found quoted at p. 140 of this work. Aubrey's note about Bacon's practice of "irrigation in the spring showres" will be found quoted in Chapter IV. p. 116 above. SPENSER'S CHAPTER XIX VIEW OF THE PRESENT STATE OF I COME now to Spenser's prose treatise, A View of the Present State of Ireland. It was commonly supposed that this work was written by Spenser in Ireland and brought over by him to England on the occasion of his second visit, as is believed, at the end of 1595. But there are certain passages in the treatise itself which show clearly (though perhaps per incuriam on the author's part) that it was written in England, and in the year 1596. This has been suggested before, but, so far as I am aware, without any reasons being given. The treatise was not printed till 1633, when it was included in a collection of Irish history published by Sir James Ware. Spenser's treatise in this volume is described as "A View of the State of Ireland, written dialogue - wise between Eudoxus and Irenaeus, by Edmund Spenser Esq., in the yeare 1596." As regards the subject matter, I shall set down some notes on points which illustrate and enforce my argument for the Baconian authorship, as they occur in the course of the treatise. But, in the first instance, it may be stated generally that the purpose of the treatise was evidently to persuade the Queen to adopt a firmer and more consistent policy in Ireland. The policy is in every respect that which is advocated by Bacon in his acknowledged writings, namely remedial measures, but only after a complete submission. Bacon's views are to be found in the various volumes of Spedding, and the following extracts from them will enable the reader to see, when we come to the recommendations of "Spenser," that the views of the two writers are not only similar but identical, and expressed in the same style. Vol. II. 130-131.-From a letter of Bacon to Essex on his undertaking the expedition against Tyrone, March 15991: [the war] being no ambitious war against foreigners, but a recovery of subjects, and that after lenity of conditions often tried; and a recovery of them not only to obedience, but to humanity and policy, from more than Indian barbarism. And if any man be of opinion that the nature of the enemy doth extenuate the honour of the service, being but a rebel and a savage,-I differ from him. For I see the justest triumphs that the Romans did obtain, and that whereof the Emperors in their styles took addition and denomination, were of such an enemy as this; that is a people barbarous and not reduced to civility, magnifying a kind of lawless liberty, prodigal in life, hardened in body, fortified in woods and bogs, and placing both justice and felicity in the sharpness of their swords. Such were the Germans and the ancient Britons and divers others. Vol. III. 45 sq.-From "A Letter to Mr. Secretary Cecil, after the defeating of the Spanish forces in Ireland; inciting him to embrace the care of reducing that kingdom to civility, with some reasons sent inclosed," 1602: Pardons.-Lastly (for this point) that which the ancients called potestas facta redeundi ad sanitatem, and which is but a mockery when the enemy is strong or proud, but effectual in his declination, that is, a liberal proclamation of grace and pardon to such as shall submit and come in within a time prefixed, and of some further reward to such as shall bring others in . . . the exclusion from such pardons to be exceeding few. . . . Religion. For Religion (to speak first of piety, and then of policy), all divines do agree, that if consciences be to be enforced at all (wherein they differ), yet two things must precede their enforcement; the one, means of instruction; the other, time of operation; neither of which they have yet had. Besides, till 1 Described by him as "these few wandring lines, as one that would say somewhat, and can say nothing, touching your Lordship's intended charge for Ireland." |