memory of the dead Earl (d. 1588). But the author, who, in my opinion, is, and could only be, the author of the pamphlet of 1584, lets himself go, just as he did before, when he comes to the description of Leicester's alleged enormities, and is unable to resist the temptation to indulge in irony and jest. He recovers himself, however, at the end, and with grave sententiousness sums up the case against Leicester as follows: Of whom it may be said and censured well, probably a very just estimate, and true of many of the great men of the Renaissance, of whom Leicester may be regarded as one. Underneath these lines the author writes, as though with a sigh of relief Jamq. opus exegi, Deus dedit his quoque finem. One other point in connection with this treatise may be mentioned, and I put it last because I should wish to make good my case without undue reliance on it. A manuscript of the book is among the collection discovered in Northumberland House in 1867, and against the entry "Leycesters Common Wealth" on the outside sheet (to which reference has been made above) are the words "incerto autore." It is my view that these words were inserted by the writer from motives of prudence, having regard to the dangerous character of the book, and the still greater danger of being in the possession of a MS. It is worth noticing that the same words are used in "Greene's Vision" in the remarks as to the authorship of the Cobler of Canterburie,' and they occur also in one of Bacon's speeches in Parliament.2 A similar use (in a smaller way) of Bacon's pen against individuals for political purposes is to be found in the anonymous pamphlet which appeared early in 1599 1 See Chapter VI. p. 169. 2 "Mr. Speaker, I am not of their mind that bring their Bills into this House obscurely, by delivery only unto yourself or to the clerks, delighting to have the Bill to be incerto authore, as though they were either ashamed of their own works, or afraid to father their own children."-Spedding, Life, iii. 18. purporting to be written by an English gentleman to a friend in Padua as to a plot to poison the Queen ("Squire's Conspiracy"), reprinted by Spedding (Life, ii. 109-19), who says: "A copy of the original edition was sent to Dudley Carleton, the Bishop's brother, by Chamberlain on the 1st of March 1598-9: with the remark that it was 'well written,' but without any speculation as to the writer. In ascribing it to Bacon I rely entirely on the internal evidence-which in this case however is to me almost as conclusive as the discovery of a draft in his own handwriting would be. The external evidence goes no further than to show that Bacon was in a position to write it. He was certainly present at many of the examinations; probably present at the trial; and had a right to know everything that he tells." Whether, however, it was true seems more than doubtful, both from the improbability of some of the incidents in the story, and from the fact that Camden says that "Walpoole [described in the title of the Letter as "a Jesuit" and the "deviser and suborner" in the plot], or some other for him, set forth a book in print, wherein he precisely denied with many detestations all which Squire had confessed." Spedding, who, as has been said by Mr. Reynolds, "holds a perpetual brief for Bacon," comments on this as follows: "For my own part I believe the story as here told to be substantially true. Those who think it a fiction (that is to say the report of a fiction, for the reporter was certainly not the inventor) will still find it interesting for the manner in which it is told. A better specimen of the art of narration it would be difficult to find." And I am afraid one might add, a greater abuse of the artistic gift it would be difficult to imagine. Goodman, who evidently supposed that the Earl of Essex was the author, has the following remark on the subject: "For Squire's treason, which was the poisoning of the pummel of the queen's saddle, it was a thing so incredible that I took no heed of it, nor made any search for it."1 Goodman was evidently influenced in coming 1 The Court of King James the First (ed. Brewer), i. 156. to this conclusion by the affair of Lopez, the Queen's physician, who, he says, in effect, was destroyed by Essex for revenge (1594). Those who are interested in Bacon's part in this affair can read the particulars (with, however, Goodman's evidence omitted) in Spedding (Life, i. 271-87). It is not easy to escape from the conclusion that these charges were trumped up with a view to establishing the reputation of Essex as a competent guardian of the Queen's safety, and as a proof that his political resources were not inferior to those of the Cecils. It is with a sense of relief that I conclude this part of my subject, which has weighed on my mind. But the more I have thought about it the more inevitable have appeared the conclusions which I have just put before the reader. I say this in order that it should not be supposed that I have adopted them hastily or on any preconceived theory; far from that, I long resisted them, as they seemed almost to suggest the presence of powers of evil underlying the fairest forms of appeal to the human spirit. But we know little about these things, and at least we have enough experience of truth to know that it often presents itself in unexpected and unpleasant forms. Also, with the advance in psychological knowledge, the weaknesses of what is called the artistic temperament are beginning to be better understood. The discussion of such a subject would take me too far from the matter of this book, but, as regards the particular instance, I may say this, that I do not believe Bacon was without conscience, or that he sinned against it without suffering. I think he was highly impressionable, and that when he came into contact with the controllers of power, and was given an opportunity, his ambition was raised to a pitch which is inconceivable to us whose powers of imagination are so much smaller.1 He saw himself, as it were in a vision, wielding the beneficent power for which he had 1 A striking instance of this appears in the imprudent postscript to Bacon's letter to Villiers of 19th February 1615: "Sir, I humbly thank you for your inward letter; I have burned it as you commanded: but the flame it hath kindled in me will never be extinguished." This was written on a small piece of paper by itself and enclosed. (Note in MS.) Spedding, Life, v. 249. thirsted from his childhood, and, at that moment, all other considerations went to the winds. As he got older, and found himself still without place or prospects, he undoubtedly grew more callous. He saw others succeed by unscrupulous methods, and he thought perhaps he might do the same. But he was not made of fighting material, he was lacking in "common sense" and in judgment of men, and in order to place himself in relation with the men in active life against whom he aspired to measure himself, he had to play a part, and be something different from what he really was. I think that, when his genius was at work, all this was reviewed and assumed its true proportions, and that out of it emerged such a character as "Macbeth." "Macbeth." These lines were not written by accident: Yet do I fear thy nature; It is too full o' the milk of human kindness To catch the nearest way: thou wouldst be great ; Art not without ambition, but without The illness should attend it: what thou wouldst highly, And yet wouldst wrongly win. CHAPTER VIII SPENSER'S JUVENILE POEMS: BACON AND GASCOIGNE I COME now to the most interesting part of my inquiry, arising out of Spenser's early poems. The investigation here will necessarily entail a more minute critical examination, as youthful writing is more imitative and less individual in character than at a later stage, and, in consequence, identifications from style present greater difficulties. Among the poems ascribed to Spenser are some early pieces with a curious history, the Visions of Bellay and the Visions of Petrarch. The following is the account of them given by Mr. Hales in his Introduction to the "Globe" edition: It seems probable that he [Spenser] was already an author in some sort when he went up to Cambridge. In the same year in which he became an undergraduate [1569] there appeared a work entitled, "A Theatre wherein be represented as well the Miseries and Calamities that follow the Voluptuous Worldlings as also the greate Joyes and Plesures which the Faithful do enjoy. An Argument both Profitable and Delectable to all that sincerely loue the Word of God. Deuised by S. John Vander Noodt." Vander Noodt was a native of Brabant who had sought refuge in England, "as well for that I would not beholde the abominations of the Romyshe Antechrist as to escape the handes of the bloudthirsty." "In the meane space," he continues, "for the avoyding of idlenesse (the very mother and nourice of all vices) I have among other my travayles bene occupied aboute thys little Treatyse, wherein is sette forth the vilenesse and basenesse of worldely things whiche commonly withdrawe us from heavenly and spirituall matters." This work opens with six pieces in the |