called upon to interfere, and has addressed | commission is examining in London into the crown to arrest their propositions? the grievances of 6000 officers? Ask the Are these facts or are they not? "Well, I did then venture to say that the ministers had harassed trades and worried professions,' as reasons why men naturally become unpopular. Was that true or was it not? Because, after all, everything depends on the facts of the statement. I will not enter into a long catalogue of trades, commencing with the important trade [the iron trade] of which we have heard so much, and which has made itself felt at so many elections, down to the humblest trade the lucifer-match makers who fell upon their knees in Palace Yard. I suppose there are some Scotch farmers present, or at least those who are intimately connected with them. I want to know whether their trade was harassed when a proposition was brought before the House of Commons to tax their carts and horses, and all the machinery of their cultivation?* I know how the proposition was received in England, and I doubt not the Scotch farmers, like the English, felt extremely harassed by it. I want to know what is the reason why there is this crusade throughout the country against Schedule D of the income tax. The income tax has been borne for thirty years with great selfsacrifice, and endured with great loyalty by the people of this country. It is at this moment at the lowest pitch it ever reached; how is it, then, that it is at this moment more unpopular than it was at any time during the long period we endured it, and at a much higher figure? It is on account of the assessment of the trades of England under that schedule. It is the vexatious and severe assessment that has harassed all trades under that Act, who are not particularly pleased when, after paying five quarters of income tax in one year, they learn also that they are in arrears. "Then, have the professions been worried? Is it not true that at this moment a royal In his budget of 1871 Mr. Lowe had proposed "to tax the machinery employed in the cultivation of the soil." naval profession whether they have not been worried. During the course of the present government the whole administrative system of the admiralty, the council that had always a wise and vast influence in the management of the navy, and the peculiar and important office of the secretary, were all swept away; and in spite, I may say, of the nightly warnings of a right hon. friend of mine,† now lost to us all and his country, the ablest minister of the admiralty during the present reign— notwithstanding his nightly warnings that they were so conducting the administration of the navy that they would probably fall into some disaster. His remonstrances were in vain; and it was not till the most costly vessel of the state foundered, and the perilous voyage of the Mejæra had been made, that the country resolved to stand it no longer: they rescinded the whole of this worrying arrangement, and appointed a new first lord to re-establish the old system. Is that worrying a profession, or is it not? "Well, gentlemen, I can speak of another profession-a profession not the least considerable in the state-the civil service profession. Has it been worried, or is it now in a process of worrying, or is it not? There are many even in this room well acquainted with the civil service in all its departments. Let them decide. I might say the same of the legal profession, for I have heard the lawyers on both sides of the House, in the debates of last session, agree in imploring the government not to continue propositions which would infallibly weaken the administration of justice in this country. But with professions and trades it is not merely those directly attacked, but it is every one, that is harassed and worried, because no one knows whose turn will come next." Was it not true then, asked Mr. Disraeli, †The Right. Hon. H. T. Corry. Mr. Corry was a lord of the admiralty in 1841-45, secretary to the admiralty in 1845-46 and in 1857-59, and first lord of the admiralty in 1867-68. He died February, 1873. that ministers had attacked every class and | one duty to fulfil, which is to give every institution, from the highest to the lowest assistance to the government in order that in the country? And had not jobs been they may take those steps which the inperpetrated that outraged public opinion? terests of the country require. I should, Was it not the fact that two years ago indeed, myself, from my own individual public opinion was outraged by persons experience, be most careful not to folbeing appointed to important offices in low the example which one of the most church and state in direct violation of distinguished members of the present the language of Acts of Parliament? administration pursued with respect to us that a dispensing power in that respect when we had to encounter the Abyssinian was exercised by the minister-that dis- difficulty. Mr. Lowe thought proper to pensing power which forfeited the crown rise in parliament, when I introduced the of James II.? Was not public indignation necessity of interference in order to escape roused to the highest pitch upon the Collier from difficulties which we had inherited and appointment? Were those acts perpetrated not made-Mr. Lowe rose in parliament or not, and did they outrage public opinion? and violently attacked the government of Every one knew that public opinion was the day for the absurdity, the folly, the outraged. extreme imprudence of attempting any "Now, I have given an answer," exclaimed interference in the affairs of Abyssinia. Mr. Disraeli triumphantly, "to the question | He laughed at the honour of the country, why the government, with transcendent he laughed at the interests of a few enslaved abilities, as they tell us, with magnificent exploits which they are always extolling, and with a country whose prosperity is so palpable, are unpopular. I tell them why. They have harassed and worried the country, and there was no necessity for any of the acts they have committed. I have put it in condensed and, I am sure, accurate language. There was a celebrated writer [Dean Swift], one of the greatest masters of our language, who wrote the history of the last four years of the reign of Queen Anne, which was the duration of an illustrious ministry. I have written the history of a ministry that has lasted five years, and I have immortalized the spirit of their policy in five lines." He then turned the attention of his audience to the business which would engage the government at the reassembling of parliament. War had broken out with the Ashantees, and that, he supposed, would be the first topic brought forward. As yet upon that subject his mouth was closed. "The time will come," he said, "no doubt, when we shall know something of the secret history of that mysterious mess of the Ashantee war; but we have now but VOL. II. subjects of the Queen of England being Then, discussing the question of further parliamentary reform which had been hinted at by the government, Mr. Disraeli denied the necessity for any such measure. "I think I may say without conceit," he said, "that the subject of parliamentary reform is one that I am entitled to speak upon at least with some degree of authority. I have given to it the consideration of some forty years, and am responsible for the most important measure on the subject that has been carried. I would say this, that it is impossible to go further in the direction 36 of parliamentary reform than the bill of 1867-68, without entirely subverting the whole of the borough representation of this country. I do not mean to say that, if there was a place disfranchised to-morrow for corruption, it would not be possible to enfranchise a very good place in its stead; but, speaking generally, you cannot go beyond the Act of 1867 without making up your mind entirely to break up the borough representation of this country. The people of Great Britain ought to be aware that that is the necessary consequence." Mr. Disraeli next touched upon the relations between capital and labour, and between the employers and the employed, which caused him some uneasiness. If there were any relations in the world, he remarked, which should be those of sympathy and perfect confidence, they were the relations which should subsist between employers and employed, and especially in manufacturing life. They were, in fact, much more intimate and more necessary relations than those which subsisted between landlords and tenants. It was an extremely painful thing, he said, that of late years they so frequently heard of misunderstandings between the employers and the employed-that they looked upon each other with suspicionwith mutual suspicion-as if each were rapaciously inclined either to obtain or retain the greater share of the profits of their trade-a condition of things which eventually resulted in strikes. "Now I am not talking," he continued, " of demands for an increase of wages when men are carrying on what is called a roaring trade-I believe that is the classical epithet. When a roaring trade is going on, I am not at all surprised that working men should ask for an increase of wages. But the trade sometimes ceases to roar, when wages naturally, on the same principle, assume a form more adapted to the circumstances. But, no doubt, during the last twenty years there appears to have been, not a passing and temporary cause of dis turbance, like the incidents of trade being very active or reduced, but some permanent cause disturbing prices, which alike confuses the employer in his calculations as to profits, and embarrasses the employed from the greater expenditure which they find it necessary to make. Now, I cannot but feel myself-having given to the subject some consideration-I cannot help feeling that the large and continuous increase of the precious metals, especially during the last twenty years, has certainly produced no inconsiderable effect on prices. "I will not on an occasion like this enter into anything like an abstruse discussion. I confine myself to giving my opinion and the results, and this moral, which I think is worthy of consideration. If it can be shown accurately and scientifically that there is a cause affecting a prominent class, reducing the average remuneration of the employed, and confusing and confounding the employer in his calculations as to profits if that can be shown, and if it is proved to be the result of inexorable laws far beyond the reach of legislatures, and of circumstances over which human beings have no control-I think if that could be shown, and employers and employed had sufficient acuteness and knowledge-and I am sure that in Scotland there is no lack of both-it would very much change those mutual feelings of suspicion and sentiments of a not pleasant character which occasionally prevail when they find that they are both of them the victims, as it were, of some inexorable law of public economy which cannot be resisted. I think, instead of supposing that each wanted to take advantage of the other, they would feel inclined to put their shoulders to the wheel, accurately ascertain whether this be true, and come to some understanding which would very much mitigate the relations which subsist between them. I have little doubt the effect would be to increase the average rate of wages, with my views as to the effect of the continuous increase of the precious metals. But, at the same time, I have not the slightest doubt the employer would, in the nature of things, find adequate compensation for the new position in which he would find himself." Mr. Disraeli then concluded:-" There is one point, before I sit down, to which I wish to call your attention. Because, if I am correct in saying that the question of the relations between the employer and employed is the only one that gives me anxiety at home, there is a subject abroad to which I think I ought, on an occasion like this, to draw your notice; and that is the contest that is commencing in Europe between the spiritual and temporal power. I look upon it as very grave, as pregnant with circumstances which may greatly embarrass Europe. A religious sentiment is often and generally taken advantage of by political causes which use it as a pretext; and there is much going on in Europe at the present moment which, it appears to me, may occasion soon much anxiety in this community. I should myself look upon it as the greatest danger to civilization if, in the struggle that is going on between faith and free-thought, the respective sides should only be represented by the Papacy and the Red Republic. And here I must say that if we have before us the prospect of struggles-perhaps ultimately of wars and anarchy-caused by the struggle now rising in Europe, it will not easily be in the power of England entirely to stand apart. Our connecOur connection with Ireland will then be brought painfully to our consciousness, and I should not be at all surprised if the visor of Home Rule should fall off some day and you beheld a very different countenance. "Now, I think, we ought to be prepared for these events. The position of England is one which is indicated, if dangers arise, of holding a middle course upon these matters. It may be open to England again to take her stand upon the Reformation, which 300 years ago was the source of her greatness and her glory; and it may be her proud destiny to guard civilization alike from the withering blast of atheism and from the simoon of sacerdotal usurpation. These things may be far off, but we live in a rapid age, and my apprehension is that they are nearer than some suppose. If that struggle comes we must look to Scotland to aid us. It was once, and I hope is still, a land of liberty, of patriotism, and of religion. I think the time has come when it really should leave off mumbling the dry bones of political economy, and munching the remainder biscuit of an effete Liberalism. We all know that a general election is at hand. I do not ask you to consider on such an occasion the fate of parties or of ministers. But I ask you to consider this, that it is very probable that the future of Europe may depend greatly on the character of the next parliament of England. I ask you, when the occasion comes, to act as becomes an ancient and famous nation, and give all your energies for the cause of faith and freedom." CHAPTER RESTORED то THE leadership of the Opposition was now to fall into other hands. Mr. Gladstone had passed a doleful and anxious Christmas. At every contested election a Conservative headed the poll-a fact which indicated that the tide of popular feeling had now definitely turned against a Liberal policy. The prime minister was undecided what course to adopt. In spite of defeat after defeat he declined to believe that these isolated cases of Conservative triumph represented the general views of the nation, but felt sure that if the country were appealed to in a body he would once again be returned to office with a powerful majority. Still he was opposed to the idea of a dissolution at that moment, knowing the inconvenience it would occasion his followers, and so finally buoyed himself up with the hope that the financial schemes he was about to bring forward would be instrumental in reorganizing his majority and in propitiating the House and the people in his favour. Parliament was to meet in the first week of February, and the day was rapidly approaching for that event without any symptoms occurring of there being any obstacle to the programme that had been arranged. Ministers were quitting their country houses, or hurrying home from the Continent; members were coming up one after the other to town; the clubs were full, and a busy session was anticipated. Suddenly the government changed their tactics. It would appear as if Mr. Gladstone had required something definite to take place which was to help him out of his state of indecision, and serve as a guide to his future plan of action. That clue, he considered, had now been given. A vacancy had occurred in the representation of Stroud, X. POWER. and the rival parties were straining every nerve to secure the seat. By a tacit sort of understanding throughout the country, the result of the contest was to be typical of the political views of the people: if a Liberal was returned, the nation was still in favour of Liberalism; if, on the other hand, a Conservative was the victor, the reaction had set in, and the government was in a minority. To the delight of the Opposition, though the borough had hitherto been Liberal, a Conservative was returned by a large majority. At the same time, whilst political feeling was absorbed in the condition of things in the west of England, events were happening in the north very significant of the change that was now apparent. The death of Sir Joseph Cowen had created a vacancy in the great commercial borough of Newcastleon-Tyne. The town had always been in favour of the Liberal interest, and at the last election a Conservative had been defeated by more than 4000 votes. The son of Sir Joseph now offered himself as a candidate, and was returned; but the once immense Liberal majority had dwindled down to little more than 1000. These two events appeared to have created a deep impression upon Mr. Gladstone, and to have forced his hand. With no preparatory hints of the course he intended to pursue, he suddenly issued his address, announcing the dissolution of parliament. The address was dated January 23, 1874, and to the intense surprise of the country, appeared in the newspapers of the following day. This vain and verbose composition fully justified Mr. Disraeli entitling it as "a prolix narrative," since it filled three |