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We believe it to be desirable that a League among Nations should be organized for the following purposes:

1. A World Court, in general similar to the Court of Arbitral Justice already agreed upon at the Second Hague Conference, should be, as soon as possible, established as an International Court of Justice, representing the Nations of the World and, subject to the limitations of treaties, empowered to assume jurisdiction over international questions in dispute that are justiciable in character and that are not settled by negotiation.

2. All other international controversies not settled by negotiation should be referred to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague, or submitted to an International Council of Conciliation, or Commissions of Inquiry, for hearing, consideration and recommendation.

3. Soon after peace is declared, there should be held either "a conference of all great Governments," as described in the United States Naval Appropriation Act of 1916, or a similar assembly, formally designated as the Third Hague Conference, and the sessions of such international conferences should become permanently periodic, at shorter intervals than formerly.

Such conference or conferences should

(a) formulate and adopt plans for the establishment of a World Court and an International Council of Conciliation, and

(b) from time to time formulate and codify rules of international law to govern in the decisions of the World Court in all cases, except those involving any constituent State which has within the fixed period signified its dissent.

4. In connection with the establishment of automatically periodic sessions of an International Conference, the constituent Governments should establish a Permanent Continuation Committee of the conference, with such administrative powers as may be delegated to it by the conference.


Equitable Building, New York


I desire to become a member of The World's Court League and receive the WORLD COURT MAGAZINE for one year, for which I enclose Two Dollars.

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President of the League


President of the International Council President of the National Advisory Board

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Frank L. Babbott Nehemiah Boynton George W. Kirchwey Walter L. McCorkle

Gilbert A. Beaver John D. Brooks

Frederick Lynch John Martin

W. B. Millar

Albert Shaw

Charles Willard Young

Secretary of the Board of Governors

SAMUEL T. DUTTON, General Secretary


FRANK CHAPIN BRAY, Editorial Sec'y

The officers of The World's Court League cordially invite you to join them in preparing the way for more just and harmonious international relations after the war. Forty-four nations have already voted for the Court of Justice which will be the chief corner-stone of a new world structure. While a League of Nations presupposes a better adjustment of international questions, the greatest assurance of security and durable peace rests in a World Court.

The platform of the League is in harmony with the great work accomplished by the two Hague Conferences and with the treaties which have been made by the United States with thirty nations, providing for delay and inquiry in case of any international difficulty.

To advance and concentrate public opinion the League publishes THE WORLD COURT MAGAZINE. A payment of two dollars makes you a member of The World's Court League and furnishes the magazine for one year.

The League also desires contributions of from five to one thousand dollars for the support of this world-wide movement which is intended to make another war with its horrors and distress unlikely if not impossible.

Use the coupon on opposite page.

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Entered as second class matter, September 16, 1912, at the Post Office at New York
Copyright, 1915, by The World's Court League, Inc.


OUR present and immediate task

is to win the war, and nothing shall turn us aside from it until it is accomplished. Every power and resource we possess, whether of men, of money, or materials, is being devoted and will continue to be devoted to that purpose until it is achieved. Those who desire to bring peace about before that purpose is achieved I counsel to carry their advice elsewhere. We will not entertain it. We shall regard the war as won only when the German people say to us, through properly accredited representatives, that they are ready to agree to a settlement based upon justice and the reparation of the wrongs their rulers have done." Thus President Wilson voiced anew the spirit and determination of the people of the United States, in his message to Congress December 4, calling for the declaration of war against Austria-Hungary.

Five weeks later, and three days after a speech by Lloyd George, the military and diplomatic situation was such that the President took the initiative by speaking again to Congress on the war aims of the United States. This message to men and nations, we believe will prove to be more important than the utterances of any other living statesmen since the war began. We held back this number of THE WORLD COURT MAGAZINE long enough to get the text of the epochal international message into these pages. Again has President Wilson asserted a moral leadership in a supreme moment of world history. He has exalted and advanced the standard of world statesmanship. He has imperishably rephrased the ideals of democracy in concrete terms of war-and-peacemaking. The public opinion of the world-all the major forces of mankind-will rally to such American leadership of Right against sheer

Might. Read the message again (on pages 57-60).

First on his program for securing lasting world peace the President significantly calls for open covenants and diplomacy without secret understandings; internationalized free seas; associated maintenance of free and equal conditions of trade; and reduction of armaments to domestic safety size. And the last of his fourteen specifications reads: "A general association must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike," Further:

Justice between peoples and governments should adjust colonial claims. No German conquests of territory allowed. Russia shall have opportunity for political development. Belgium shall be wholly restored, in full sovereignty; the wrong of 1871 to France in Alsace-Lorraine shall be righted; Italian lines of nationality shall be recognized. Autonomy for peoples in Austria-Hungary; international guarantees for Balkan States; security of a Turkish sovereignty, but also security for autonomous development of other nationalities, neutralization of the Dardanelles; international guarantee of a Polish State-are demanded.

"For such arrangements and covenants," says the President, "we are willing to fight and continue to fight until they are achieved, but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace."

In the clear light of this message the Central Powers show to greater disadvantage than ever. Russia's sincerity of democratic purpose and Britain's candor are contrasted with the fair words but the militarist grip of Germany's Imperial hand. The President concludes by reaffirming

our stand for the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on terms of equal safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak.

"Unless this principle be made its foundations, no part of the structure of international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act upon no other principle, and to the vindication of this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor and everything that they possess. The moral climax of this, the culminating and final war for human liberty, has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion to the test."

Of the Russian peace program and the German peace offensive which gave the President an opening for his diplomatic thrust, we speak in the next editorial. Compare also summary (transferred to page 61) of Premier Lloyd George's significant restatement of war aims just ahead of President Wilson.

Meanwhile as a result of the Inter-Allied Conference at Paris, the United States is now represented on the various Inter-Allied Councils for coordination and cooperation in war measures. We are asked to speed up to make the year 1918 decisive. By proclamation the president took possession of 21 billion dollars worth of railroads, appointed Secretary McAdoo as Director-General to operate them as a single system in order to win the war, and the press echoes universal approval. Government departments are spurred to reorganize for greater efficiency, and the speeding up process characterizes voluntary service organizations and essential war industries throughout the country.

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