FOR

OR nearly four years the major Powers of the Allied group, France and Great Britain, and for the past year the United States also, have held that victory over the Central Empires will be achieved on the Franco-Belgian front. When Italy entered the war she did not receive the full recognition due to the potential possibilities of her front, and even when her victorious army was advancing on the Bainsizza plateau last year, when on the very threshold of victory over AustriaHungary, the French and British Governments, pursuing an incredible policy, failed to afford Italy the imperative support required.

And

shortly thereafter came the terrible disaster of Caporetto, which now, however, has been all but forgotten in the fresh recollection of the incomparably greater catastrophes suffered by the French and British armies.

Italy last Fall was blazing a highway to the very heart of Austria; there was reason to hope for the fall of Laibach, the key to Vienna, on the route which Napoleon followed, and the arrival of the Italian armies there would have been the signal for revolution in Croatia, to be followed by revolution in Bohemia. Indeed, the Jugoslav and the Czecho-Slovak peoples were ready for uprisings, requiring only foreign, friendly as

sistance, which is essential before they can obtain the means to resist the military measures set up by the Hapsburg Government to hold them in submission.

The Italian Government was unable to convince the London and Paris Governments, despite her amazing military successes, that the attainment of decisive objectives on the Austrian front was possible, notwithstanding that everywhere Italy already had driven the ready had driven the enemy from her soil and her troops were steadily going forward, crumpling up the resistance of the Austro-Hungarian forces on possibly the most difficult terrain, if not the most easily and strongly fortified, on any war front. The world had suddenly awakened to the realization that Italy was in fact an important fighting factor in the Entente Alliance. As suddenly came the debacle. Instead of AustriaHungary being precipitated into inextricable internal difficulties, with a foreign foe moving down into the plains, the Italian army, worthy of a different sequel, was pushed back to the Piave line, where, however, it gallantly stood and stands, awaiting the anticipated new enemy offensive. This offensive is calculated by the military chiefs of Vienna and Berlin to eliminate Italy from the war, just as the Italian campaign last year would have eliminated Austria-Hun

gary from the war had it been enabled to prosecute to a decision the magnificent series of battles over the Austrian ranges to the lowlands.

Quite a different situation confronts the Allies and America today. Instead of Germany's strongest ally being reduced to impotence, Russia, with her 14,000,000 soldiers, is ingloriously out of the war: not merely out of the war, either, but contributing to the military progress of the Central Monarchies, both by economic contributions and by releasing German and Austro-Hungarian armies for use against the associated nations in the West. Roumania, too, has been made a vassal, with the rich natural wealth of that country placed at the disposal of the enemy. Turkey has been relieved of her Russian front, and is comparatively free to turn her whole strength against the Allied forces in Palestine and Mesopotamia, at the same time contributing to the Teutonic and Bulgarian power in the Balkans.

While the supreme chance of delivering a mortal blow against Austria-Hungary was while Russia still was in the war, and before all of the Austro-Hungarian troops might be mobilized on the Italian front, the prospect of this highly desirable end being achieved is not entirely lost, but the circumstances are so different that the cost must be incomparably greater, and consequently the contributions of support by the associated nations increased. Since the creation of the office of generalissimo, Italy cannot of her own volition embark upon a major offensive. Whatever

she undertakes must be co-ordinated with the activities of the FrancoBritish and American armies in France and Flanders. Decisions by the supreme allied council and by General Foch are requisite, in addition to the judgment, the readiness and the willingness of Italy to make the calculated sacrifices which would be required to defeat the doubly strengthened Austro-Hungarian army.

There has been no indication anywhere that the British and French military leaders have changed their views in respect of the feasibility of an Italian campaign, worked out on the gigantic scale necessary for attaining a decision. On the other hand, two events have transpired which seem to indicate a broadening of the official appreciation by the United States of the possibilities of the Italian front. First was the listing of Austria-Hungary as an enemy; next, the almost simultaneous message of President Wilson to Italy on the occasion of the third anniversary of Italy's entrance into the war, and the announcement by Secretary of State Lansing that the "nationalistic aspirations of the CzechoSlovaks and Jugoslavs for freedom have the earnest sympathy of this Government." Formerly, the United States seemed to take the position that Austria-Hungary ought not to be dismembered dismemberment having only one significance, that being the liberation of the oppressed nationalities-, a policy which suggested that this Government believed it to be possible to detach Vienna and

Budapest from Germany. Even the most optimistic advocate of such a hypothesis can no longer support such a view, in the face of the agreement just concluded between Emperor William and Emperor Charles, which gives Germany control over the Austro-Hungarian army, and by reason of that control gives her also complete dominance over the oppressed nationalities of the Dual Monarchy. Contemplating such an agreement, not only should the sympathy of the United States thus belatedly be offered to the Jugoslavs and the Czecho-Slovaks, but liberal material aid also, and that this, too, is planned, may be inferred from the recent announcement by Secretary of War Baker that an American military contingent would be dispatched to Italy.

It was Italy who first recognized the necessity of reducing Austria, and through this operation weakening Germany's resistance to such a point that then in truth Germany might be defeated on the Western front. Italy has observed Germany following skillfully studied plans, while the Allies have been temporizing. Italy was negotiating with the Jugoslavs and with the Czecho-Slovaks, in an effort to undermine the Austro-Hungarian and German military power, actually concluding an entente with them, when Germany on March 21st aimed her terrific series of offensives at the Channel ports, at the junction of the French and British armies, and at Paris.

Those who sympathize with the Italian military views maintain that

Russia never would have withdrawn from the war, and that Germany would not have been in a position to seize the initiative in the West had Italy been supported last year in her campaign against Austria-Hungary. Be that as it may, the fact is that Germany is making the most tremendous effort of the war to bring a decision this year. The Allies, instead of being prepared to conduct an offensive, despite their incomparable superiority numerically as well as economically over the enemy, have themselves been reduced to a desperate defensive on the very front where they have hoped to win the victory. Now they are waiting for the United States to arrive in greater force on the field, notwithstanding that we have approximately one million troops already in France, and that the entire man power of Great Britain, France and Italy, in addition to that of the smaller States, is at their disposal. Formerly, they waited for the Russian steam roller to crush Germany in the East.

It is not questioned, at least by America's military experts, that this country's contribution to the Allied cause will finally result in victory, whether on the French and Belgian or some other front. The real question is, whether victory might be attained earlier on another front? The Italians answer, Yes. The counsel of the smaller Allies appears not to carry much weight; otherwise Bulgaria never would have become an efficient aid to the Teutonic Powers, but it is worth remarking that Greece and Serbia, as well as Italy, are con

vinced the surest and quickest avenue to victory is through Austria, the international army on the Macedonian front striking at the same moment as the Italian army.

Besides fighting

It is commonly argued that time favors the Allies. Take the years since August 1, 1914, to illustrate that argument, and it will not stand. Despite the economic blockade of the Central Powers, they are stronger relatively today than they were on August 1, 1914. upon interior lines, which gives them an immense military advantage, their front has been greatly shortened by the disintegration and elimination of Russia, making it possible for Germany to concentrate her entire army in the West, Austria-Hungary to employ all her strength against Italy, Turkey hers against the enemy in Palestine and Mesopotamia. Also,

there is a new menace which none cares to contemplate, but which is so threatening that it ought and undoubtedly is receiving the most serious consideration of the Allied and American Governments. That is, the efforts of Germany to recruit soldiers in Russia, and from the Baltic provinces and Poland particularly at the present time. It is conceivable that the non-inclusion of Poles among the subject peoples of Austria whose aspirations for liberty were declared by Secretary Lansing to have the sympathy of the United States may have been occasioned by the partial enlistment of the Polish race by the Central Powers.

To this day it has not been conclusively shown what are the inten

tions of Germany towards Russia. It may be that Germany, who has excelled her enemies in the employment of the social sciences as an aid in warfare, has determined upon a policy of waiting until Bolshevism shall have spent itself and Russia be ripe for a new autocracy before fully disclosing her designs. Should this prove true, and Germany be empowered to set up either some branch of the old or a new dynasty in Russia, it would be done with the assurance that Russia in the future that future dating from the moment of assumption of power by the Government-shall be the ally of Germany. That is Germany's policy towards Poland, towards Ukrainia, towards the Baltic provinces. That is the price of Germany's assistance to AustriaHungary, to Bulgaria, to Turkey. Everywhere Germany has maneuvered appearances so as to make it appear that she is giving the assistance, and there is no reason to doubt that her own superior military intelligence and political cunning transform the appearances into reality.

Time, it seems, is as much Germany's ally as the ally of her foes; in the past, time has not been neutral, but favorable to Germany. The experience of four years, to recapitulate, has made Germany relatively stronger than she was when the war began, and in 1918, as in 1914, Germany seizes the initiative. Statesmen declare this war has proven that nothing can be discounted, but that every possibility must be reckoned with. That being true, the possibility of Russia becoming a reservoir of men

and supplies for Germany must be considered seriously, and, seeing that a considerable period will elapse before Russia's Western provinces might be efficiently organized to give support to Germany in any degree commensurate with their possibilities, it ought to be incumbent upon the Allies not to neglect any opportunity for hastening a victorious conclusion of the war. It is no longer pertinent to discuss whether it is wise to dismember Austria-Hungary and to crush Germany. Both these achievements are essential, equally necessary, for it is not only their defeat in this war which is indispensable if international life in the future is to be made secure, but the complete reduction of them to a status which will render absolutely and unquestionably impossible their resumption of the struggle.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S MESSAGE TO ITALY On the occasion of the celebration of the 3rd anniversary of Italy's entrance into the war, May 23, President Wilson sent this message:

"I am sure that I am speaking for the people of the United States in sending to the Italian people warm fraternal greetings upon this, the anniversary of the entrance of Italy into this great war in which there is being fought once for all the irrepressible conflict between free self-government and the dictation of force.

"The people of the United States have looked with profound interest and sympathy upon the efforts and sacrifices of the Italian people, are deeply and sincerely interested in the present and future security of Italy, and are glad to find themselves associated with a people to whom they are bound by so many personal and intimate ties in a struggle whose object is liberation, freedom, the rights of men and nations to live their own lives and determine their own fortunes, the rights of the weak as well as of the strong, and the maintenance of justice by the irresistible force of free nations leagued together in the defense of mankind.

Italy offers to open the gates to victorious peace. She threw them wide apart last year, but the Allies did not enter, nor give her the needed support to keep them open. What has been once achieved, may be achieved again. The reduction of Austria would cut off Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as Austria-Hungary from Germany. Patriotism is dead in Russia, but it would be resurrected if the Russian people could see the dawning light of an Allied victory. Loyalty to Russia's old allies would spring into life with it. Serbia and Roumania would be redeemed, direct contact afforded with Russia through the Balkans and the Dardanelles, and the oppressed nationalities of the Hapsburg tyrants freed. There is no more inviting prospect upon the entire field of possibilities. Mitteleuropa would be dissipated like a nightmare.

"With ever-increasing resolution and force we shall continue to stand together in this sacred common cause. America salutes the gallant kingdom of Italy and bids her Godspeed. "WOODROW WILSON."

"The Spirit of Democracy." By Lyman P. Powell and Gertrude W. Powell. Published by Rand McNally and Company, Chicago. Pp. xiv-198. $0.75. This stirring volume presents 180 of the most stirring speeches and most virile poems applicable to the present crisis of the world's life. Selections have been made with the special purpose of providing readings and declamations for school pupils that will help them to become more loyal and intelligent patriots. But it is a most inspiring collection for adult readers, surprising in its moral reinforcement of America's fighting power. Twenty-five portraits of speakers and authors who are quoted illustrate the book; frontispiece and first place being properly given to President Wilson. "The war at last is calling forth prose and poetry to match its cosmic character," say the compilers, and the book proves it.