and here and there a hand grasps more closely its weapon; yet in the grave silence and studied repose the old men bend forward their scarred faces, and the young incline their ears to hear. He who stands up to speak to them is a white man, unarmed, and almost companionless, yet in his mien there is neither hesitation nor fear, and his face, where mildness sweetly blends with dignity, banishes the suspicion of deceit. Consider him well; for in the true record of his life his name is enrolled higher than those of heroes. Unbending before kings, he reverences the rudest savage as a man. Guided by the "inner light," the law of conscience and of truth, the Indian's rights are sacred as the white man's, and he asks no force to aid him but the force of love. And as he utters those simple words of peace and justice, those savage bosoms grow warm with the Christian law, those glittering eyes melt with charity. The child of the red man clasps the hand of the white stranger, the belt of wampum is made a beautiful symbol, and the words of solemn promise go forth, the winds lift them higher than any shout of victory, the woods repeat them far inland, and the Delaware bears them rolling by,-"We will live with William Penn and his children as long as the sun and the moon shall endure." It was an honest compact. It was a bloodless conquest. It was the triumph of peace and right. The historian records it with a glow. The philanthropist quotes it, and takes courage. The Christian remembers it, and clings with new faith to the religion that accomplished it.

GREEK REVOLUTION

By HENRY CLAY, Lawyer, Statesman; Member of Congress from Kentucky, 1811-25; Secretary of State, 1825-29; Senator from Kentucky, 1831-42, 1849-52. Born in Hanover County, Va., 1777; died in Washington, D. C., 1852.

From a speech in the House of Representatives, January 20, 1824; the House having under consideration the resolution that provision ought to be made by law for defraying the expense incident to the appointment of a commissioner to Greece. See "Life and Speeches of Henry Clay," Vol. I, published in 1844 by Van Amringe & Bixby, New York, N.. Y.

No united nation that resolves to be free can be conquered. And has it come to this? Are we so humbled, so low, so debased, that we dare not express our sympathy for suffering Greece; that we dare not articulate our detestation of the brutal excesses of which she has been the bleeding victim, lest we might offend some one or more of their imperial and royal majesties? If gentlemen are afraid to act rashly on such a subject, suppose that we unite in an humble petition, addressed to their majesties, beseeching them, that of their gracious condescension they would allow us to express our feelings and our sympathies. How shall it run?"We, the representatives of the free people of the United States of America, humbly approach the thrones of your imperial and royal majesties, and supplicate that, of your imperial and royal clemency-" I cannot go through the disgusting recital; my lips have not yet learned to pronounce the sycophantic language of a degraded slave! Are we so mean, so base, so despicable, that we may not attempt to express our horror, utter our indignation, at the most brutal and atrocious war that ever stained earth or shocked high heaven? At the ferocious deeds of a savage and infuriated soldiery, stimulated and urged on by the clergy of a fanatical and inimical religion, and rioting in all the excesses of blood and butchery, at the mere details of which the heart sickens and recoils ?

But, sir, it is not for Greece alone that I desire to see this

measure adopted.

It will give to her but little support, and that purely of a moral kind. It is principally for America, for the credit and character of our common country, for our own unsullied name, that I hope to see it pass. What appearance on the page of history would a record like this exhibit? "In the month of January, in the year of our Lord and Savior 1824, while all European Christendom beheld, with cold and unfeeling indifference, the unexampled wrongs and inexpressible misery of Christian Greece, a proposition was made in the Congress of the United States, almost the sole, the last, the greatest depository of human hope and human freedom, the representatives of a gallant nation, containing a million of freemen ready to fly to arms, while the people of that nation were spontaneously expressing its deeptoned feeling, and the whole continent, by one simultaneous emotion, was rising, and solemnly and anxiously supplicating and invoking high Heaven to spare and succor Greece, and to invigorate her arms in her glorious cause, whilst temples and senate houses were alike resounding with one burst of generous and holy sympathy; in the year of our Lord and Savior- - that Savior of Greece and of us— a proposition was offered in the American Congress to send a messenger to Greece, to inquire into her state and condition, with a kind expression of our good wishes and our sympathies --and it was rejected!" Go home, if you can; go home, if you dare, to your constituents, and tell them that you voted it down; meet, if you can, the appalling countenances of those who sent you here, and tell them that you shrank from the declaration of your own sentiments; that you cannot tell how, but that some unknown dread, some indescribable apprehension, some indefinable danger, drove you from your purpose; that the specters of cimeters, and crowns, and crescents, gleamed before you and alarmed you; and that you suppressed all the noble feelings prompted by religion, by liberty, by national independence, and by humanity. I cannot bring myself to believe that such will be the feeling

of a majority of the committee. But, for myself, though every friend of the cause should desert it, and I be left to stand alone with the gentleman from Massachusetts, I will give to his resolution the poor sanction of my unqualified approbation.

THE PATH OF DUTY

By GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR, Lawyer; Member of Congress from Massachusetts, 1868-76; Senator, 1877—. Born in Concord, Mass., 1826. From an open letter published in the daily papers of Boston, January, 10, 1900.

66 What he wants us to do I can define in no other words than these: He wants us to skulk from our duty.

I wish to put against this statement my emphatic denial. What I wanted the American people to do in the beginning, what I have wanted them to do all along, what I want them to do now is to do in the Philippines exactly what we have done, are doing, and expect to do in Cuba. . . We have liberated both from Spain, and we have had no thought—at least I have had no thought-of giving either back to Spain.

I should as soon give back a redeemed soul to Satan as give back the people of the Philippine Islands to the cruelty and tyranny of Spain. Having delivered them from

honor to protect their newly

Spain, we were bound in all acquired liberty against the ambition or greed of any other nation on earth. And we were equally bound to protect them against our own. We were bound to stand by them, a defender and protector, until their new governments were established in freedom and in honor; until they had made treaties with the powers of the earth and were as secure in their national independence as Switzerland is secure, as Denmark is secure, as Belgium is secure, as San Domingo or Venezuela is secure.

Now, if this be a policy of skulking from duty, I fail to see it.

We based our policy in regard to Cuba, did we not, on the ground that it was the policy of righteousness and

liberty? We did not tempt the cupidity of any millionaire or even the honest desire for employment of any workman, by the argument that if we reduced the people of Cuba to our dominion we could make money out of her and she could not help herself. In those days we were appealing to the great, noble heart of America, and not to the breechespocket.

If we were bound in honor and in righteousness; bound by the history of our own past; bound by the principles and pledges of our people, to abstain from depriving Cuba of the liberty we had given her because it was right, we are, in my judgment, all the more bound to abstain from depriving the people of the Philippine Islands of their liberties because it is right. . .

I would send Gen. Wood or Gen. Miles or Admiral Dewey to Luzon. I would have him gather about him a cabinet of the best men among the Filipinos who have the confidence of the people and desire nothing but their welfare. In all provinces and municipalities where civil government is now established possessing the confidence of the people, I would consult with their rulers and representatives. I would lend the aid of the army of the United States only to keep order. I would permit the people to make laws and to administer laws, subject to some supervision or inspection, till the disturbed times are over and peace has settled down again upon that country, insuring the security of the people against avarice, ambition, or peculation.

So soon as it seems that government can maintain itself peacefully and in order, I would by degrees withdraw the authority of the United States, making a treaty with them that we would protect them against the cupidity of any other nation and would lend our aid for a reasonable time to maintain order and law. I would not hesitate, if it were needful, although I have not the slightest belief that it would be needful, to vote to make them a loan of a moderate sum to replenish their wasted treasury.