could not turn him from his great struggle for the black man by telling him that the negro could not make as good a government as the Anglo-Saxon.

Go back a little farther.

There is Daniel Webster, Secretary of State, declaring to the Austrian representative that every people struggling for freedom had the sympathy of the people of the United States! They sent for Kossuth and brought him out here in a man-of-war. We are told to-day

that we are too rough in our utterances about Spain. But it was Daniel Webster who said in his letter to Hülsemann: "The great Republic controls an area beside which the possessions of the House of Hapsburg are but a patch on the earth's surface." It was the same Daniel Webster who stood in the Congress thirty years before and pleaded the cause of the Greeks battling for their liberties, while he denounced Turkey in those rolling sentences of which he alone was master.

Go back a little farther. A British ship had taken some of our seamen out of an American ship, and the President had asked for measures to resist the outrage. John Quincy Adams was one of the Senators from Massachusetts. The President was not of his party; I am sure that the President's policy was not of his choosing. He did not like it, but he stood up in his place in the Senate and said that, in the presence of a controversy with a foreign government, when The President has recommended this measure on his high responsibility, I would not deliberate-I would act!

That was the voice of Massachusetts then. Those are the lessons I read in the lives of three of my great predecessors.

Let us go a little farther and see what more we can learn in Massachusetts history about the duties of her sons when the rights of the country and the rights of humanity are at stake. Go out with me into the streets of Boston; go down to Faneuil Hall-it is a historic spot. Stop there in front of the picture which hangs on those walls of the second Massachusetts President. To those silent lips put the ques

tion:
doctrine? Ask it of John
you think would be his reply?

Do you think we should sustain the Monroe
Quincy Adams. What do
He formulated it.

Go out again; walk up into
statue you see there? It is that of Sam Adams.

Dock Square. What is the
Close by

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is the place where the first blood flowed in the Revolution. Hard by is the chamber where, in the gathering twilight, he faced the crown officers and said to them: You must remove both regiments. If you can remove one you can remove both both regiments or none. He looks forth over the harbor where the tea fell. Stop in front of that statue and put to it the question: "When the rights of your country are at stake, shall you resist or shall you yield??' If you could touch those bronze lips with the fire of speech what do you think they would say? They never said

"Yield" in their life!

We are all agreed about Sam Adams to-day. Do you think he didn't have his critics? Eleven hundred of them sailed out to Halifax with Lord Howe. As they sailed out of the harbor George Washington rode in at the other end of the town, and we have put up a statue to him also. It is down there in the Public Garden-the statue of the man who broke the empire of England and laid the foundations of a mightier empire here.

Close by is the statue of Charles Sumner, and the battle of his life was for human rights. A little farther away is the statue of William Lloyd Garrison. He was mobbed in the streets of Boston! Mobbed, and for what? For pleading the rights of humanity, even if the skin that covered the humanity was black. There sits his statue in Commonwealth Avenue. I do not see the effigies of the men who mobbed him.

Go up the hill; take one more look. There is an unfinished monument in front of the State House, opposite the steps where John A. Andrew sent the soldiers off to the war. There is an unfinished monument! Turn now to your

Harvard biographies, read there the letters of the first Colonel of the first Massachusetts black regiment, and they will tell you of the prejudice, of the obloquy, of all he had to encounter while he was raising that regiment. It was not because he was fighting for the Union; it was because, in addition to fighting for the Union, he was trying to help a race to freedom by proving to all mankind that they deserved their freedom because they could fight for it. That is what he was meeting obloquy, reproach, and prejudice for, and he went off with his black troops, and he fell there at Fort Wagner; and slavery, in its ferociousness, even on its deathbed, cried out: Bury him with his niggers"—one of the noblest epitaphs ever uttered over man. And now Boston is raising a statue to his memory, and there, carved by the chisel of the greatest of living sculptors, Robert Shaw and his black soldiers will ride together, forever ride!

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Those are the memories, those are the traditions, such is the inspiration, and such the lesson that I find in Massachusetts history.

I leave the history; I will come to to-day. I will come to you, voices of the present. I will come to you to you who followed the gleaming flag of the Republic through four years of civil war and brought back the white flag of Massachusetts, all the whiter because it was torn with shot and black with smoke.

I turn to you, the brothers and the sons of those men; to you, heirs of the great Republican heritage of union and freedom; to you, within the borders of whose Commonwealth lie guarded Concord, Lexington, and Bunker Hill; to you, children of the Pilgrim and the Puritan; to you, citizens of the great Republic! To you I come and ask the same counsel that I asked from the history of the old State, and your answer, I know, will be the same.

GREAT BRITAIN AND AMERICA

By EDWIN OLIVER WOLCOTT, Lawyer; Senator from Colorado, 1889—. Born in Longmeadow, Mass., 1848.

From a speech delivered in the Senate, January 22, 1896; the Senate having under consideration a resolution relative to the enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine. See Congressional Record, Jan. 22, 1896.

Mr. President, if the Senate is not responsible for the original differences which have arisen between Great Britain and this country relative to the Venezuelan boundary, it must be admitted that we have done much toward keeping the question active and the differences acute. For instance, the other day, after all the Venezuelan dispatches had been published to the world, a resolution was introduced having reference to the abortive revolution in the Transvaal.

I know but little of the Transvaal Republic, but I am advised that a large percentage of its white citizens are English-speaking people, and are denied representation, while paying their full quota of taxation; and that situation is one which ordinarily demands and receives American sympathy for people so deprived of what we cherish as an unalienable right. But whatever the cause of the uprising, or the merits of the dispute, Mr. President, my attention at that crisis was diverted to another channel. France is a sister republic, and although most of her colonies, commended in the resolution of the Senator from Alabama, have fewer rights than Cuba, she is yet entitled to our consideration and sympathy because of her form of government. Germany has furnished us hundreds of thousands of worthy citizens, who are a credit to the Republic. Russia was our friendly ally in the late war. And yet, Mr. President, when I read that all these powerful governments - France, Germany, and Russia had allied themselves together against Great Britain, and that the people of those little islands, "compassed by the inviolate sea," in defense of what they deemed their rights, were marshaling their armies

and assembling their navies, ready, undaunted, to face a world in arms, unyielding and unafraid, I thanked God I was of the race! There is no drop of blood in me, Mr. President, that is not of English origin, and I have no ancestor on either side since 1650 who was not born on the soil of New England; but my heart beats faster when I recall the glorious deeds of Clive, and Lawrence, and Napier, and Wellington-of Drake and Hawkins who fought the Spaniard and swept the Spanish Main, and of the incomparable Nelson; and my pulse quickens when I realize that the splendor of their achievements is part of our glorious heritage, and that the language of Burke and of Chatham is our mother tongue!

Mr. President, we will protect our country and our country's interests with our lives, but we wage no wars of conquest or of hate. This Republic stands facing the dawn, secure in its liberties, conscious of its high destiny. Wherever in all the world the hand of the oppressed or the downtrodden is reached out to us, we meet it in friendly clasp. In the Old World, where unspeakable crimes even now darken the skies; in the Orient, where old dynasties have been crumbling for a thousand years and still hang together strong in accumulation of infamies; in South America, where as yet the forms of free institutions hold only the spirit of cruelty and oppression; everywhere upon the earth it is our mission to ameliorate, to civilize, to Christianize, to loosen the bonds of captivity, and to point the souls of men to nobler heights.

Whatever of advancement and of progress the centuries shall bring us, must largely come through the spread of the religion of Christ and the dominance of the English-speaking peoples; and wherever you find both, you find communities where freedom exists and law is obeyed. Blood is thicker than water, and until some just quarrel divides us—which Heaven forbid!—may these two great nations of the same speech and lineage and traditions stand as brothers shoulder