The pay seems to run from $150 to $250 a year. Such notices would look strange in American papers; we have social contrasts, but few of us are so dependent on "help." The tendency to stick to the old until the advantage of the new has been demonstrated is an asset to the English. Americans might well follow them. But we in turn have more facility in readjustments. It is not so hard for an American "lady" to cook breakfast, when necessary; the same situation probably looms up before the English matron as the greatest calamity of the great war.

WIGS? YES, BUT NO CRIME WAVE A court lawyer is called a barrister, the others solicitors. It is beneath the dignity of a barrister to meet ordinary clients direct. The solicitor prepares a brief and submits it to his superior; before the case goes to trial he may consent to see you. The barrister has quite a definite social position. He wears a gown and wig in court. Don't smile, fellow-American; you and I had better look under these adornments. If we do, our superior smile will become sickly.

What is the product of the British courts of justice? Strange to say, it is justice, prompt and unavoidable. As a result, there has been no crime wave in England. The transition from war to peace, from business booms to present depression, has brought no such general lawlessness as has marked the history of the United States during the last few months. Why? Well, in America we arrest only a few of our criminals, convicting perhaps ten per cent of those arrested, then we pardon most of those convicted. We let them off on generous terms.

To-day in America thousands of thugs and murderers are figuring on the risks of robbery; facts are all around them, they point to the small average risk. All honor to the barristers with their social positions and white wigs, all honor to the similarly bedecked justices of England. By their fruits ye shall know them. England, Scotland, and Wales have fewer murders per annum than either New York City or Chicago. It is not more police that we need, but more justice. WILLIAM C. GREGG.

London, England.

IS Majesty's Postmaster-General

H'decided that more revenue was

needed from public telephones, and so he announced an increase in the rates. Nothing simpler could be imaginable in England, where the Government controls and operates the telephone and telegraph lines as well as the Post Office Department.

The day following the announcement practically every newspaper in the United Kingdom contained an article violently protesting against the increase. And in the next issue the batteries of the editorial writers were turned on the P. M. G. Big and little chambers of commerce adopted resolutions of protest and business men threatened to organize a general telephone boycott. The Newspaper Proprietors' Association, perhaps the strongest combination in England, sent a delegation to see the P. M. G., but he gave them no satisfaction. In his new country home the "P. M.," otherwise Mr. David Lloyd George, who is reputed to have one ear always close to the ground, heard a furious clanging over the telephone, and within a week of the Postmaster-General's announcement H. M. Cabinet was meeting in Downing Street to reconsider the question of telephone charges.

Perhaps there is some other country in this wide world where the power of the press is greater than it is in England, but it is not within my knowledge. No nation's press is so highly organized as Britain's; no nation has forty-odd million inhabitants crowded into an area as small as that of the British Isles.

I LOYD GEORGIAN (NOT KING GEORGIAN)
The war had a marked influence on
British press.
Slow to take up the

business of propaganda as a war measure, the British perfected it to a higher degree than even Germany or the United States.

Mr. Lloyd George used the press even more skillfully than Colonel Roosevelt, and even to-day he can shape opinion or send out a ballon d'essai in every part of the land by simply giving a brief order to one of his secretaries. Until the famous break between the Prime Minister and Viscount Northcliffe Mr. Lloyd George had the greatest press organization ever at the command of a statesman. Not only the British press. but the newspapers of America, France, Italy, and all the important neutral countries were more or less at the ser vice of the "P. M."

To make an accurate political analysis of the English press it would be necessary to divide the newspapers into at least six groups, but roughly there are three classes: Georgian, anti-Georgian, and neutral.

Some British newspapers, Conservative and Liberal, support Mr. Lloyd George whatever the political issue under consideration. This is explained by the fact that, though the Prime Minister is a Liberal, the majority of his Cabinet associates are Conservatives and he heads a Coalition Government. The anti-Georgian newspapers are consistently in opposition on domestic issues; they are the mouthpieces of the Asquith political group, the so-called Independent Liberals. In this same class are the Labor organs. The third group is much the most interesting, containing as it does some of the best-written and most influential newspapers in the United Kingdom, Liberal and Conservative alike.

POLITICS STRICTLY HOME BREW

A local political issue is an entirely different thing from an international question in the eyes of the British press. The closest parallel is the third party who tries to intervene in a disagreement between husband and wife.

If Mr. Lloyd George, or any other British Premier, is attacked by the Government of a foreign country, the British press rushes to his support instantly. The Lloyd George Irish policy may be criticised severely in one section of the British press, but the moment that a dozen United States Senators join in the cry of condemnation they can rest assured they will find little journalistic support in England.

There is a group of British newspapers which reflects the extreme French view in the interpretation of the Treaty of Versailles, but Frenchmen have learned by experience that it is unwise to depend on this group if in that interpretation Lloyd George is adversely affected.

On foreign questions the British press is unlike that of the United States, where the newspapers frequently fail to support their Chief Executive, recent history being offered in evidence. In fact, neither French nor German statesmen enjoy such a full measure of press support on international questions as do the British leaders.

SOLID BUT FREE

"You can't believe the newspapers" is not such a common expression in England as in the United States, but possibly that is because Upton Sinclair has yet to write the English companion to "The Brass Check." A fairly full knowledge of the newspapers of both sides of

the Atlantic fails to reveal any striking difference in moral attitude. There are yellow newspapers, journalistic papers, political propagandists, on both sides of the water, and perhaps in the same equally small proportion to the number of fair, accurate, intelligently honest journals and writers. The British public may have a higher degree of faith in their newspapers because they make them a larger part of their life; if they did not, how could they read the long broad columns of the "Times," the "Morning Post," and the "Daily Telegraph"?

Comparisons of English and American newspapers are difficult for many reasons, chief of which is that the English press is read almost exclusively by people of the same race. There is no such thing as a hyphenated Briton, the nearest approach being the Sinn Feiner. To some Englishmen every one else is a foreigner, not excepting the Scotsman and the Welsh Premier. One London newspaper boasts of a daily circulation of almost 1,250,000. It requires no vivid imagination to appreciate the influence that paper has on the opinion of a country in which most of the population is Anglo-Saxon.

The English press boasts of its freedom in expressing its opinion-a perfectly justifiable boast from the standard of

most other countries. Recently the owner, editor, and assistant of a Dublin newspaper fell afoul the military régime in Ireland and were sentenced, after trial by court martial, to long terms of imprisonment and heavy fines. English newspapers, many of them the supporters of the very policy these militarists were instructed to carry out, decided almost unanimously to exert their influence on Downing Street for the release of their fellow-journalists. Their campaign was short and successful.

THE VOICE OF BRITISH OPINION Theoretically the British form of Government is keenly sensitive to public opinion. An adverse vote in the House of Commons on any important Government measure means the downfall of the Premier and his Cabinet. When a general election was held immediately after the armistice in 1918, Mr. Lloyd George, whose political acumen is uncanny, decided that the wisest course was to form a combination of Liberals and Conservatives to battle against the powerful Labor group and those Liberals who still remained loyal to Mr. Asquith. The Welsh political strategist won an overwhelming victory, and he has controlled a House of Commons where he has been assured of a Liberal majority on every question. Naturally, this big group of

strange political bedfellows have had differences of opinion, but compromise is the foundation of British politics.

Outside the House there is not the same spirit, and eleven by-elections have gone against the Government, five being won by Labor representatives. In all there have been 38 by-elections, in which the aggregate vote has been: Coalition 374,388; anti-Coalition, 513,916. These figures would indicate that, though Mr. Lloyd George's parliamentary majority is commanding, he does not enjoy the support of the majority of the electorate. On the other hand, this may be a totally wrong deduction, as many of the byelections were determined on local or purely temporary issues, in which the power of the press was turned against the Premier.

The whole tendency in England is to write the war off as an unpleasant bit of history and to reorganize economically. Here is where the British press is of the greatest value. Despite the discordant elements and the profoundly difficult task of meeting the nation's financial obligations, the newspapers of England are exerting a marvelous influence on the morals of the people. The cry for "economy" brought down prices; it will also limit national expenditure. ARTHUR S. DRAPER. Office of the New York "Tribune," London, England.

T

HE Holy City is the holier for her flowers. When the time of the singing of birds is come and the rains of early spring have drenched and quickened Palestine's sacred soil with resurrection life, then do flowers appear over all the land. The desert hills round about Jerusalem rejoice and blossom as the rose; and none more abundantly than Olivet, that ramparts the city on the east and north like "the visible arm of the Lord." For on this mountain there has sprung up a profusion of wild pinks and lace flowers of yellow flax and golden groundsel. The slopes of the Mount of Olives and the Kidron Valley below are sprayed with the sun-hearted daisy, the fields invested with purpureal gleams of mallow and pimpernel.

And then, most superb of all, the royal anemones, red like crimson-"the lilies" that Jesus stopped to consider. Not even Jerusalem's richest king could array himself like one of these.

And yet before the spring is over a wind will come scorching up from the Dead Sea Valley. It will pass over these flowers of the earth, shining here in all their glory. They will fall, and the place thereof shall know them no more.

But crowning Olivet is a garden the glorious beauty of whose flowers shall never fade. This garden is planted with graves, and it blossoms with crossescrosses of wood painted white by the comrades of those British soldiers who fell that tragic day after Christmas, 1917, when the enemy hosts swept down from the north to retake Jerusalem.

They died that the Holy City might not again be desecrated. And over there in the tiny barbed-wire plot that is their sepulcher their crosses flourish in the cloudless, radiant morning like stars of Bethlehem-flowers of pain and valor, flowers that shall never pass away.