404 The Outlook NewBooks Copyright, 1921, by The Outlook Company TABLE OF CONTENTS 407 J. H. JOWETT "Come Ye Apart" A Book of Devotions Dr. Jowett is blessedly with us with these golden nuggets."-S. S. Times. $1.50 net. JOSEPH HOCKING "The Passion for Life" "A heart-gripping, thought-provoking novel, the greatest of all Hocking's novels." $1.75 net. P.W.WILSON'S UNFORGETTABLE The Vision We Forget BOOKS Fach $2.00 407 407 408 408 408 409 410 410 The Church We Forget The Christ We Forget "Have taken the religious public by storm." PATERSON SMYTH A People's Life of Christ "Does for the present generation what Farrar's Life of Christ did for a former age." $3.50 net. ROBERT E. SPEER The Gospel and the New World "Preachers will be eager to possess it, as well as all interested in Missions." $2.00 net. I. M. HALDEMAN Can the Dead Communicate with the Living? $1.25 net. S.D. 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Your carpenter or slater Not having to tear off the old root makes this re-roofing job an attractive one to him. He is saved the usual preparatory labor, which of course is a money saving for you. JOHNS-MANVILLE Madison Avenue, at 41st Street, New York City For Canada: CANADIAN JOHNS-MANVILLE CO., Ltd., Toronto GERMAN EVASION FAILS A S we write, Marshal Foch has set in motion Allied troops with orders to occupy the towns of Düsseldorf, Duisburg, and Ruhrort, on the Rhine. For this purpose French units will compose the main force, but British and Belgian troops will take part. The three towns are important because through them passes a vast amount of German manufactures and of iron and coal. The Ruhr Valley and Essen are near by. Control of the ports will enable the Allies to enforce reparation and penalize Germany's refusal to fulfill her obligations. The crux of the struggle at London between Germany, on the one side, and France and Great Britain, on the other, was not so much as to methods of payment or the total amount to be paid as it was whether Germany would recognize her obligations under the Treaty, whether she would frankly acknowledge her criminal responsibility for the war, and whether she would accept in substance the Paris terms. In every one of these matters Germany evaded compliance, and the evasion amounted to obstinate refusal. The London conference was not called to decide whether the Allies should abandon their Paris terms and substitute others, but whether those terms could be so applied to Germany's conditions as to make them less onerous financially without abandoning any vital part of them. But Germany acted throughout as if the Paris terms did not exist. Her admission of responsibility was so worded as to make it rather insolent than contrite. Finally, Germany's audacity in ignoring her agreements under the Treaty is illustrated by her insistence in every offer that Upper . Silesia should be hers, whether or no, whereas Germany by the Treaty agreed to the plebiscite soon to take place. There is no dealing with such people. Dr. Simons and his colleagues insisted that they were simply obeying Berlin orders, and Lloyd George was justified, therefore, in saying that Simons represented a German public opinion which was not prepared to pay. The "invasion" of Germany will not cripple German effort or retard her rapidly growing commercial and manufacturing activity, provided that she will turn her mind toward honest fulfillment of her obligations. The lawless devastation she wrought in France and Belgium was MARCH 16, 1921 not war; it was barbarism. She is not asked to pay the costs of the war; she is required to restore and repair through money payments the ruin she criminally brought about. The "invasion" is not a stroke inflicted on a prostrate people; it is a measure to forestall possible action by a nation still capable of renewing, by aircraft and poison gas and by economic measures, its effort to dominate the world. A high authority in the Peace Conference has told The Outlook that the Germans plan to depend in future warfare on aircraft, high explosives, and poison gas; and that they want Upper Silesia because it is the chief source of poison gas and high explosives. This is confirmed by a statement recently made by Dr. Charles H. Herty, American authority on chemistry and chairman of the committee largely responsible for development of the chemical warfare branch of the United States Army. The effect of the action of the Supreme Council at London will be to disillusionize Germany. She had begun to feel that all she had to do to thwart the just demands of the Allies was to delay and intrigue. Now she knows that she cannot always play one interest against another to escape the penalty of her wrong-doing. THE REVOLT AGAINST THE SOVIETS Ο UT of the confused and indirect reports in early March from Russia one gathers certain impressions. One is that the revolt against Bolshevik rule is at least more serious than previous outbreaks. Another is that it is not in the interest of any particular leader or political party, but that it is a spontaneous although scattered attempt to throw off intolerable conditions of life and work. Semi-starvation, industrial and financial chaos, are at the bottom of the outbreaks. At Kronstadt there is a distinct counter-revolution and the rebels are in possession of forts and ships; Petrograd is threatened; discontent and refusal to obey orders are reported from Red troops in Moscow; in many distant regions the peasants are rising in the villages and Red soldiers are refusing to put down these revolts; thousands of workmen are on strike. One of the most encouraging indications is that leaders of the revolutionary forces are said to declare that they are striving for an honestly elected constituent assembly and true self-government. Lenine and Trotsky are evidently finding that it is one thing to hold together their army and their national structure (if it can be called a structure) in the face of foreign war, as with Poland, or in the face of what so many Russians believed to be attempts from outside to overthrow the revolution, and quite another thing to lead the soldiers against discontented and oppressed Russians at home, infected by the common outcry against tyranny and impossible living conditions. They have therefore sent for troops from distant borders to cope with the revolt and have put Moscow and Petrograd under martial rule. It is too early to predict whether or not there may come out of all this disturbance some solid gain toward a New Russia that shall be based on principles and practice of democracy and sanity, so that other nations can recognize it and work with it for the reconstruction of Europe. JUSTICE BEFORE GENEROSITY ON NE of the unhappy hold-overs of policy that may plague the new Administration is the question of the Senate's ratifying or refusing once more to ratify the treaty making Colombia a present of $25,000,000 in return for certain rather shadowy concessions on her part, but chiefly to put her in an agreeable frame of mind toward us. Mr. Harding, as Senator, once voted in favor of ratification, and it is inferred by some persons that he will press the treaty. We earnestly hope that the new President and Mr. Hughes as Secretary of State will look closely into the history of this proposal, and particularly that they will read with care Mr. Roosevelt's official statements and the account of the matter in his Autobiography. As a matter of fact, the United States neither legally nor morally owes Colombia a penny. If it is seriously pretended that we would get something worth these millions, let that be established. But let us not, impliedly or explicitly, apologize for a wrong never committed, nor yield to the fallacy that weakness in yielding to a demand based on dishonor and rapacity will strengthen us with southern republics. We need not here go over the history in detail. Mr. Roosevelt put it concisely when he said: "Not one dollar can be paid to Colombia with propriety, and it would be an act of infamy to pay even a dollar to a nation which, in crooked greed, tried by desperate blackmail to smirch the good fame of America." As to President Roosevelt's course toward the Panama revolution, John Hay, the soul of honor, said: "The action of the President in the Panama matter is not only in the strictest accordance with the principles of justice and equity, and in line with all the best precedents of our public policy, but it was the only course he could have taken in compliance with our treaty rights and obligations." Finally, we may repeat The Outlook's expression of conviction when the Colombian Treaty was before the Senate in 1917: "The people of Panama were unanimous in their desire to be rid of Colombian tyranny, and what we gave them was the opportunity to become free. We did not cheat Colombia; Colombia tried to cheat us and failed. If money is now paid by this country to Colombia, it will be taken the world over as an admission of wrong-doing, and, however the treaty is worded, the general belief will be that we have paid conscience money. We owe Colombia nothing; least of all do we owe her an apology." gogue. In early life he was something of a scholar and when only twentythree years old was President of Marshall College, having the honor of being the youngest college president in the country. He worked hard on the tariff question and led his party's forces by dint of mastery of facts as well as vigor in debate. As Speaker of the House from 1910 on until the Democratic reverse came he was a National figure. Speaker Gillett paid him the compliment of saying that, as Speaker, Champ Clark always set aside partisanship, while Mr. Mann, who fought with Clark on the floor as a parliamentary enemy, declared that he not only respected but loved his former adversary. Mr. Clark's great political disappointment, and one which he felt sorely for years, was the failure of his party to nominate him at the Democratic Convention of 1912. Mr. Bryan's opposition to Clark made Mr. Wilson's nomination possible. It might be a curious political speculation to reason as to what might have happened if Clark, and not Wilson, had been nominated. Would or could Clark have defeated both Theodore Roosevelt and Mr. Taft, and, if so, what kind of President would he have made after war broke out in Europe? WHAT CONGRESS DID T HE Sixty-sixth Congress has passed into history. Just now it is being remembered for what it did not do rather than for what it did. It did not pass the Budget Bill. It did not pass the Packer Bill or the Bonus Bill or the Cold Storage Bill or the Coal Bill or the Reapportionment Bill. It did, however, at the short session just closed, pass all the appropriation bills but one, also a Tariff Bill, properly vetoed by President Wilson, and an Immigration Restriction Bill, which he allowed to die without his approval, and thus rendered his country a good service. In the passage of the appropriation bills Congress did some remarkable things. First, it provided for fixed residences in certain cities for our diplomatic agents. Second, it did practice certain measures of economy, as in cutting out a ten-million-dollar appropriation for a nitrate plant. Third, it did one or two very silly things, the silliest being the free seed provision-that ancient abuse which comes up for much adverse criticism in the discussion of each agricultural appropriation bill only to be followed by final favorable action on the part of Republicans and Democrats ke because "there are votes in it." he nearness to us of this short ses International CHAMP CLARK his name from Beauchamp to Champ. He meant even then to be one of the people everybody's friend. "Beauchamp" sounded high-flown, though it was in fact his mother's family name; so young Champ calmly informed his parents, as the story goes, that he would neither open letters nor cash checks with the name Beauchamp on them. He had his way, and when he pushed into political life in Missouri forty-five years ago his popular acceptance was partly due to things like that or like his speech in New York in which he declared that the West was tired of coming to the East for its ideas, or his wish that all custom-houses might be torn down stone from stone. Such appeals to prejudice were harmless enough, but not so some of his anti-war utterances, such as that he could see little difference between a convict and a conscript-although it must be added that, once we were in the war, Clark was a thorough patriot. But while there was a demagogic side to Champ Clark, he was not all dema A BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION E' IGHT years ago America and the world were supposed to be in a condition of "normalcy," as President Harding would say. By one unexpected act, immediately after his inauguration, Mr. Harding took Congress back to a far earlier normalcy, namely, to the early days of our Government when its three branches were not so separated as they became later. In 1806, it is said, a rule was adopted providing for the possible attendance of the President at executive sessions in the Senate. This prerogative was not exercised until March 4, 1921. Usually, the names of nominees to the Cabinet are submitted to the Senate, in extraordinary session, on the day after inauguration. Mr. Harding, so lately a member of the Senate, doubtless felt himself all the freer to exercise the privilege granted in 1806. When the Senators were assembled, the new President, at the side of the President of the Senate (the Vice-President of the United States), himself read the names of his nominees, asking for immediate action. The list was exactly that printed as a provisional list in The Outlook last week. Any expected opposition collapsed. The Senate confirmed the names submitted. Oaths were administered in the afternoon. The Cabinet at once began to function. Never, we believe, has a change been |