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When you hear a Victor Record of Rachmaninoff's art played on the Victrola, you hear the great composer-pianist exactly as he wishes you to hear him. Only the Victor process of reproduction can bring out all the wonderful beauty of tone which the Victor process of recording put into the record.

Rachmaninoff knows this from his own experience. That is why he has chosen to associate himself with the other famous artists of the world who make records for the Victor.

Victrolas $25 to $1500. Victor dealers everywhere. New Victor Records demonstrated at all dealers on the 1st of each month.

"HIS MASTER'S VOICE"

This trademark and the trademarked
word "Victrola"'identify all our products.
Look under the lid! Look on the label!
VICTOR TALKING MACHINE CO.
Camden, N. J.

Victor Talking Machine Co., Camden, N. J.

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Appreciations and Criticisms of the Works of Charles Dickens By G. K. CHESTERTON

Characteristic expressions of a great gift for pungent critical comment-a delight to all who share his love for the inexhaustible magic of Dickens. Fourth edition. $2.50 Le Morte Darthur of Sir Thomas Malory-Its Sources By VIDA D. SCUDDER

No other one volume presents so clearly
to the modern reader the most important
single book produced in England during
the Middle Ages-important both as a
crystallization of the weight and force of
a whole epoch, and in its charm as a
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FOR EASTER CONSIDER
Social Teachings of
the Christian Year
By VIDA D. SCUDDER

A book for those who are awake to the new social gospel, yet desire to find it in harmony with precious traditions of spiritual experience. $2.50 Lessons in Meditation By EDITH ARMSTRONG TALBOT A reminder of the immeasurable help and value to be found in direct approach to the Divine through spiritual meditation. $1.25 These books are obtainable through your bookstore or from

E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY 681 Fifth Ave., New York

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Who is My Neighbor ?..

Reparation and Interallied Debts.. 332 Special Correspondence by Francis Vinton Greene

In the Seats of the Mighty-March 4, 1921 334 The Contest Letters:

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BY SUBSCRIPTION $5.00 A YEAR. Single copies 15 cents. For foreign subscription to countries in the Postal Union, $6.56.

Address all communications to THE OUTLOOK COMPANY 381 Fourth Avenue New York City

THE OUTLOOK. March 2, 1921. Volume 127, Number 9. Published weekly by The Outlook Company at 381 Fourth Avenue, New York, N. Y. Subscription price $5.00 a year. Entered as second-class matter, July 21, 1893, at the Post Office at New York, under the Act of March 3, 1879.

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INCORPORATED 1904 S 15 1

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Selected Gospel Hymns

A new book just issued. 271 Hymns and Scripture Readings, selected from the famous

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WEBSTER'S

NEW INTERNATIONAL

DICTIONARY

The Merriam-Webster

This host of successful Webster owners who are satisfied with Webster service, who have their needs anticipated and supplied, whose questions about new and old words, noted persons and places, questions of what, why, and how, are here answered with the authority of the world's scholars, should encourage the young man or woman even though near the foot of the ladder to profit from the same service. The one who knows wins success.

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New York Court of Appeals, Albany: “An Unsurpassed Authority." Publicity is the severest test of merit. It invites comparison and competition. This test Webster's New International and its predecessors have successfully met for Seventy-five years. Surely confidence has been established in the motto: "We make the best so that you may. Get the Best."

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The largest new membership in the history of the Company. The New York Life Insurance Company is what its name implies, A LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY. It transacts no other form of insurance. Its policies furnish the broadest coverage and provide

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JOHN E. ANDRUS

CORNELIUS N. BLISS, Jr.

NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER
GEORGE B. CORTELYOU

JOHN H. FINLEY

AVID R. FRANCIS

Board of Directors

A. BARTON HEPBURN
MYRON T. HERRICK
GRANGER A. HOLLISTER
ALBA B. JOHNSON
WILLARD V. KING
DARWIN P. KINGSLEY
RICHARD I. MANNING
JOHN G. MILBURN

GERRISH H. MILLIKEN

FRANK PRESBREY
JOHN J. PULLEYN

FLEMING H. REVELL

GEORGE M. REYNOLDS

ELBRIDGE G. SNOW

HIRAM R. STEELE
OSCAR S. STRAUS

S. DAVIES WARFIELD

THE NEW ADMINISTRATION'S
SECRETARY OF STATE

F the Cabinet of President Harding, whose Administration begins this week, the office to which an appointment was first officially announced was appropriately that of Secretary of State.

In recent years the conduct of foreign affairs has proved of utmost concern to every household in the Nation, and in the years immediately ahead of us there will be further proof that the Department over which the Secretary of State presides has in its keeping the welfare of the Nation as no other department has. Moreover, in one sense the Secretary of State is a second VicePresident. He is the assistant conductor of the Governmental orchestra, the vicechairman of the Governmental Board of Directors. For this, one of the most important governmental positions of the world, far exceeding in power and influence many a throne, Mr. Harding has selected one of the most eminent of American public men, Charles Evans Hughes.

There are few men in American public life as well known in the United States or better known abroad than he. He has been Governor of the most populous and the richest of the States, New York; he has been a Justice of the United States Supreme Court; he has been a candidate of one of the two principal parties for the Presidency and was barely defeated; he has been one of the Nationally acknowledged leaders of the American bar; he has been an investigator whose great legal ability, intelligence, and fearlessness have made him the reliance of friends of honesty in government and business and a terror to crooks and self-seeking politicians and incompetent officials, from the time of the insurance investigation over fifteen years ago to the investigation during the war into the aircraft situation.

Politically he has made enemies. Some of them, including Mr. Hearst, whose attacks upon him assisted greatly in early establishing his reputation, are to his credit. He has many admirers, but his career has not been such as to create for him a large body of political friends and adherents. The fact that he left the Governorship of New York in the midst of a political fight in order to take his seat upon the Supreme Bench, not to leave it again until he emerged as a Presidential candidate, saved him alike

MARCH 2, 1921

from political animosities and political attachments. His Presidential candidacy was so nearly successful as to leave him with a considerable political prestige. In the factional or party sense he has not been a Progressive, but he has been identified with distinctly progressive

measures.

He has been a severe critic of certain features of the Wilson Administration, and in particular of certain features of the League of Nations as Mr. Wilson advocated it. On the other hand, he is

CHARLES E. HUGHES

not opposed to a League in principle and is strongly an advocate of establishing and developing international relations on the basis of the law.

The selection of Mr. Hughes as Secretary of State will be generally recognized, we believe, as appropriate. He comes to the office with an international reputation and with a great and invaluable measure of public respect. He will encounter the opposition and distrust of some of those, like Senator Johnson, who have been identified with the Progressive wing of the Republican party, because he has disappointed them as a politician and because they have felt that he was too friendly to the ideal of the League of Nations. His success in the Department of State, however, will depend less upon his ability to reconcile his political opponents than upon his ability to work with his chief and with his associates. Circumstances and events are offering him the opportunity of becoming one of the greatest American Secretaries of State.

MR. BRYAN'S OPINIONS

HE views of Mr. William Jennings Bryan are sometimes purely his own and sometimes they reflect widely

held opinions, especially in the Middle West.

Mr. Bryan has just issued a statement outlining his suggestions for a National legislative programme for the proposed reorganization of the Democratic party. The programme contains twenty-two planks.

Some of them will meet with little, if any, opposition; as, for instance, the arbitration of international disputes, the inauguration of a new President and the assembling of a new Congress in the January following the November elections; the fearless enforcement of the Prohibition Amendment; riddance to the profiteer; a liberal provision for the soldiers and sailors who made sacrifices in the world war; official investigation of labor disputes; the prohibition of gambling in foodstuffs; the reorganization of the executive. departments at Washington; and a reduction of taxes, showing consideration for those least able to pay. Most of these, however; are nothing more than pious wishes. Nobody advocates profiteering, for example, or gambling in foodstuffs. It is not enough to denounce an abuse; it is necessary to define it, if it is to be abolished, and then provide a practicable and reasonable measure to bring it to an end without creating greater evils in the process.

On the other hand, most people will, we think, oppose some of the planksfor instance, Mr. Bryan's denunciation of military training in time of peace, his upholding of the excess profits tax, his opposition to a sales tax, and the repetition of his plea for a guaranty of bank deposits.

Some of the planks are at least questionable, such as those providing for a formal assembly to do something which probably can best be done informally, namely, to discuss disarmament; those providing for a National bulletin "under the fair and equitable control of the two leading parties to furnish information as to political issues;" and for all necessary monopolies to be taken over by the National, State, and municipal Governments.

Two of Mr. Bryan's political and three of his financial planks are at this moment causing considerable discussion among members of Congress-the planks providing for a National primary election law and for absentee voting by mail, also the planks favoring Federal action to maintain the price of Liberty Bonds at par, the insistence that

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