Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

rouse to frenzy the aggressive party in British politics, seemed to be entirely absent. Both sides apparently contented themselves with a ceaseless repetition of the National anthems.

About the middle of October I had occasion to zigzag down the country from the Canadian border to the Gulf of Mexico. Railway cars, especially the smoking-room end of the railway cars, usually gave one a fairly accurate insight into the people's mind at the moment. My fellow-travelers discussed all sorts of things. As we approached the South we dwelt chiefly on oil and cotton, but, with one exception, the election was never discussed. One day, near Dallas, in Texas, a young merchant said to me: "Last night I sat next to a lady in the theater, and I said to her, 'Do you think Governor Cox will be our next President?' She answered, 'What?' I repeated, 'Do you think Governor Cox will be our next President?' She said she didn't get me. Then I yelled in her ear for the third time, 'DO YOU THINK GOVERNOR COX WILL BE OUR NEXT PRESIDENT?' adding, 'Are you hard of hearing?' 'Oh, no,' she softly answered; I have heard of Harding.''

Now which way, I wonder, did that lady vote, for a very great number of women evidently voted. They seemed to enjoy the new experience, though, I think, on the whole, they were a little disillusioned.

When I was tutor at my college in Cambridge, for many years I occupied rooms rent free; thus I did not fall under the lodger's franchise, and had no vote; consequently I keenly wanted one. As soon, however, as I paid rent for my chambers, and got the vote, I found how useless it was. I think the ladies to some extent will find the same. Before they had the vote-at any rate, in my country-before they were enfranchised, they seemed to think they could give their vote to the just and the honorable, the highminded man. They are now finding out that they can only give it to Mr. X, whose politics they detest, or to Mr. Y, whose past they deplore. Voters have to vote for the man the machine sends along, and the machine is always mightier than the man. In such enormous constituencies as those of the United States there can of course be little personal canvassing except possibly by the members of Congress, who appeal to a much more limited franchise. The seekers after the higher posts depend almost entirely upon speeches and the newspaper platform. How much of what they promise they will succeed in doing is always a doubtful matter, but, as the colored gentleman that rebuked the Senator for standing on the platform at the end of the railway car, between stations, said, "A platform ain't meant to stand on; a platform's meant to get in on."

Perhaps the fact that the election was to so great an extent a foregone conclusion, that a deep ground-swell per

[blocks in formation]

time, and the Declaration of Independence of George III's time were all drawn up and signed by Englishmen. At what exact moment Washington, Jefferson, and the others ceased to be Englishmen and became Americans can hardly be determined, but no one can deny that the greater part of the life they passed through was passed through as Englishmen. How long this state of things will continue is, for those who desire it to continue, a matter of some

anxiety. At present the British strain tends to become swamped by an overflowing immigration from central and eastern Europe. The percentage of British descent was diminished and is diminishing, and many who have the welfare of the United States at heart wish that it should be increased.

On board RMS "OLYMPIC

November 11th./20.

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors]

Sir Arthur's letter was not intended for publication. We take the liberty of printing it, however, that our readers may know of Sir Arthur's solicitude for the feelings of his friends. We wish to assure them, moreover, as well as Sir Arthur himself, that nothing has been cut out, and that the most sensitive of Americans can find no just cause for offense in anything he has written, but only benefit and enjoyment from both this article and the one that will succeed it next week. THE EDITORS

[merged small][merged small][graphic]

GENERAL VIEW OF ABOUT ONE-THIRD OF THE JUNIOR REPUBLIC. IN PLACE OF PRISONS
MR. GEORGE WOULD ESTABLISH COMMUNITIES NOT UNLIKE THIS, WHERE OFFENDERS, UNDER
THE DIRECTION OF SOCIAL DOCTORS, WOULD UNDERGO TREATMENT MORE EFFICACIOUS AND,
MAY BE, "EVEN MORE HEROIC THAN PUNISHMENT"

N the year 1895 the writer put the

that a lot of folks are always "down

Junior Republic into operation, the on" what they are not "up on" is

composed of youths who are given selfgovernment to an extent never tried out with young people previous to its founding.

The plan worked, and, what is more, it met with public approval.

Contemplating the successes of the Junior Republic with some of its young citizens who had been lawless before entering the little colony and were made useful men by having the responsibilities of self-government thrust upon them, the writer reasoned that the idea of self-government might be carried to the prisons with great success, and about 1899 he worked out the theoretical idea of the "social sanitarium" as a substitute for prisons and reformatories. Doubts are freely expressed whether the much maligned officially labeled "dependent and delinquent" brother is the only member of human kind subject to social irregularities. All society ranges in social irregularities from being "a little odd or queer" to being the committers of such extreme crimes as murder. This fact being recognized, why should there not be social doctors of professional standing for the treatment of social ills with as much reason as there are medical doctors for the physical ills of society?

A five-year "try-out" has now been made in every manner that conditions allowed, and during that time publicity has been avoided, although every experiment has been carried on in the open. Peculiar conditions due to the war acted in some instances as a handicap, in others as a direct benefit; but the test of the theory has been so satisfactory that the writer now takes pleasure in presenting it to the thoughtful public for their consideration.

Harsh criticism is expected, for the quaint saying of an old farmer

idea in such a way that those who
will may at least get "up on" the main
points of the theory.

SOMETHING OUT OF KILTER
Human society is afflicted with two
sorts of ills: the physical and the social.

The physical body contains various organs all important, some more SO than others. Physical ills indicate that something is wrong with one or more of the physical organs.

The social body, if such a term be allowable, contains certain forces-all necessary, but some more vital than others. Social illness indicates that something is out of kilter with one or more of these social forces.

PHYSICAL ORGANS AND MEDICAL
DOCTORS

There are four vital organs in the
human body that may properly be
termed the major organs. They are the
Heart

Lungs

Stomach

Kidneys

Almighty God through the agency of
nature places the direct responsibility
upon the heart to pump the blood, the
lungs to care for respiration, the stom-
ach to digest the food, and the kidneys
to eliminate waste. If any of these
organs are remiss in their duties, ill-
ness follows. When illness appears to
be dangerous, a physician is usually
summoned, amateurish treatement not
being relied upon. He listens to
our heart-beat, takes a count of the
pulse, places a fever thermometer be-
tween our lips, marks our respiration,
asks pointed questions about our diet.
The medical doctor, by virtue of col-
lege degree and State license to prac-
tice medicine, is a free agent to do as
he will in a professional capacity
within certain laws. No body of worthy
people known as "trustees" can "boss"

him in the discharge of his medical duties. They cannot say: "Our organization employs you; we, its influential, rich, or philanthropic managers, have a duty to direct you, and, besides, we know stomach trouble as well as you because we have all had colic." Therefore, when a medical doctor takes up a case, his professional skill has complete right of way. Riches, influence, and social position must take a siding for the time being. The only duty he owes is to his honorable profession.

[blocks in formation]

No individual, community, or government can claim a social life worth the having without the possession of each one of these four forces with each force rising to its attendant responsibility. These four forces are as important to the existence of the social body as the heart, lungs, stomach, and kidneys are to the physical anatomy. They must function in some degree even though the results are not up to normal, just as the heart and other physical organs mentioned must function even though it be but indifferently. Stopping means death.

If any one of these social forces is sluggish or dormant, or, perchance, going to the other extreme, in a state of feverish or abnormal acceleration, there is certain to be extreme and

serious social illness, and a social doctor is needed immediately to make a searching professional examination with the same keen discrimination as that of the medical doctor in making his diagnosis.

And when he finds the weak or socially diseased point he should not stop with his diagnosis, but go into the game head over heels to perform a cure.

Every human being is sometimes socially ill; it may be only in a mild form, but, whether it be a slight or serious manifestation, it can always be traced to irregularity of the functioning of some one of these four forces.

Every one knows, if he stops to reason out the matter, that not more than five per cent of those who commit indictable offenses finally land in prison. The ninety-five per cent of equally guilty fellows who by some "hocus pocus" manage to wriggle out of the toils of the law still remain at large, and sometimes they are rated respectable.

"How benighted!" we comment when we read in ancient history of a nation who regarded it a question of crime only when the offender was found out; and yet unconsciously we are prone to do the same thing, unless we are very good. In any event, all society regards the man who has been officially stamped by a legalized judge and jury with the label of delinquency as a person of quite another sort of clay from that of the rest of the people, and treats him accordingly; and the poor devil spends the remainder of his days half believing the thing himself. Yet not more than one out of twenty equally guilty suffers official and public humiliation.

[graphic]

PUNISHMENT VS. TREATMENT Society decrees by law that crime shall be punished. A few hundred years ago they decreed the same thing about some forms of physical disease. Right here comes the parting of the ways between the legal decree of society and the principle of treating offenders on the basis of their being socially diseased. Punishment versus treatment-which shall it be?

If the idea of social disease is a fallacy, and crimes against property or person are instigated by vicious but withal responsible brigands, then punishment and plenty of it should be meted out.

If, on the other hand, social disease is a fact, as many students of the subject have come to believe, it is as absurd to punish a man for a social lapse as it would be to punish him for having the measles.

This theory of treatment for crime may appear maudlin at first thought, but such is not the case. It does not express itself thus, "Naughty, naughty! Don't do that any more." Treatment may be even more heroic than punishment. For example, the dentist pulls an aching tooth. The operation is painful, but you hold no ill will against the dentist-in fact, after the tooth is out,

CRAP SHOOTING ON A CITY STREET

"Realizing that they are not expected to participate in any self-government responsibilities, the
naturally good youths lapse into indifference, while the naturally wild ones regard the law, the
judge, and the policeman as their natural enemies. A tacit freemasonry exists between all
youths. 'I must not snitch,' is a universal watchword among them"

you regard him with unusual favor and
besides pay him a fee. But if a man to
punish you knocks your teeth down
your throat with his clenched first, the
actual physical pain may not be as great
as that inflicted by the dentist, but your
psychological observation of the two
operations varies materially.

No doubt the strongest advocates of
punishment, if they lived in a democ-
racy, would be loud in their praise of
the forces of self-government, self-sup-
port, recreation, and service. If caught
off their guard, they would concede the
merits due them; but if confronted
with these forces as an antidote for
crime, would sidestep with alacrity, for
the methods of dealing with offenders
at this date are based upon the very
opposite theory.

If we grant that these forces must all be functioning in a person to insure social life, how terribly wrong the present prison system must be! It deliberately says to a man: "You have governed and supported yourself so badly that the State is going to take selfgovernment and self-support from you; your form of recreation has probably been one of the causes for your being in your present difficulty, therefore you will have but little hereabouts; and as for service, well, that can be in the form of doing three years of hard labor for the State, and at the end of your time you may leave this institution whether you are cured or not." What is the result? For answer follow the subsequent career of those who have been victims of the system.

A method for the regulation of some delinquents before resorting to impris onment is probation. This is a long step forward on the part of society. The probation officers-God bless them! -are social doctors to a very great

extent, for the latitude offered them by officialdom permits them to treat social ills on the basis of the theories outlined in this article.

But all offenders, with the exception of murderers in the first degree and the feeble-minded who need special treatment from the psychiatrist, should be placed in a social sanitarium and therein remain until they are discharged therefrom by a delegated group of social doctors. Society should be protected from the fellow who is so socially ill that he cannot keep his hands off other people's property or persons-not for a stated time in months or years, as is the case with the present prison method, but until he is cured. A person with social disease so acute that his neighbors suffer therefrom has no more business to be at large than a person suffering from smallpox.

A complete description of the social sanitarium and its methods would take too great space at this time; but, to outline it very briefly, it is a series of five successive guarded inclosures, each inclosure comprising several hundred acres of land, each one of these inclosures constituting a complete self-governing community, and each of these communities excepting the last being identical in every detail with the other communities of the State in which the social sanitarium is located. A drive through these communities would disclose nothing different in the architecture of the buildings or the character of the work performed or the dress of the social patients or other residents than would be seen by driving through any other part of the country miles away from the sanitarium.

Upon conviction by a court, instead of going to prison as a convict, the offender enters the first inclosure of the

OFFICIALS OF THE JUNIOR REPUBLIC OVER TWENTY YEARS AGO

The boy The girl at the left became a domestic science teacher and then married a physician. next to her graduated from Ada College, Ohio, was a candidate for Congress, and is now a lawyer. The boy in the chair was coxswain of the crew and Phi Beta man at Cornell, graduated from the Harvard Law School, and is a lawyer. The boy at the extreme right graduated from Harvard and is editor of one of the leading dailies of New York State

social sanitarium. There is no loss of citizenship. And why should there be when we remember that the nineteen equally guilty who are not caught do not lose theirs? He is still a man. His family may reside with him if they desire; and they (the family) may depart therefrom whenever they wish, but of course he may not. Everything that tends to uplift and restore him to the normal is in operation. He has full opportunity to exercise the forces of self-government, self-support, recreation, and service.

When laws are violated in the first inclosure, the courts of that community, conducted by the social patients themselves, send the offenders to the second inclosure, where they remain until readmitted to the first again by the citizens of the first inclosure. General conditions in the second inclosure and those succeeding are the same as in the first; and in the first inclosure conditions, as already stated, are the same as in the world at large, but with each successive inclosure approaching the fifth the "patient" is removed farther from discharge to the outside world, for there is no way of returning except by the way he entered. In the fifth inclosure are those who are so hopelessly deficient that there is little hope of any permanent improvement, and these hopeless beings remain under the care of social doctors for the balance of their days, and are made as happy and comfortable as the circumstances of their cases will warrant.

Women while advocating their right to the suffrage would say with irony that every one seemed to have the right to self-government but women, convicts, children, and the insane.

Happily, the masculine element of mankind are quite generally seeing the advantage of giving women a greater part in the government of our country.

The same thing should be done for the sometimes called "criminal" under the geographical restriction of the Social Sanitarium.

INFANTS! EXCEPT IN WAR

With self-government proved a benefit to women and convicts, there still remains the question of its applicability to children. Consideration of the insane in this connection is of course out of the question; but in the matter of the children or so-called childrenwe have a vital National issue. .With all the wisdom of our forefathers in the matter of establishing constitutions, laws, and precedents, there never was a greater "fool thing" than that which designated a youth between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one an infant. The same statement might be applicable to most youths from sixteen to twenty-one, but certainly at eighteen the normal boy or girl is as fit for the essential duties of citizenship as the average man. Their mixing qualities, democratic instincts, open-mindedness, and all the advantages coming from present or recent touch with the great American public school and college systems especially qualify them for civic duties. Many men and women are apt to grow narrower in their political and social life as they advance in years, and they sometimes complain with a tinge of joy that their children keep them from retrograding completely. Of course our children "do not know as much as we do," but we have a "hunch" that some of our neighbors' young people know more than their nearest ancestors.

Society might ease its conscience for all time from its perpetration of injustice upon "adult minors" in classifying them as infants were it not that grimvisaged war every now and then comes stalking our way and throws the gaunt

let at our feet. Then these "infants" in our National extremity rush to our aid, and lo! to our joy, we find that no fitter men ever existed to do or die to save the Nation. Does the United States Government expect less of a soldier of eighteen years than of one of thirty-five? In time of war they are men. When peace is declared, they are relegated to infancy.

The absurdity of legal infancy, after considering the facts, is enough to drive any self-respecting group to rebellion. Thank goodness, they don't see it in that light, for there are enough of them to keep the War Department busy if they should "start something."

The worst feature of this injustice to youth, however, is its reaction upon society. Realizing that they are not expected to participate in any selfgovernment responsibilities, the naturally good youths lapse into indifference concerning civic affairs in general, while the naturally wild and vicious ones, who would accept responsibilities if they had them, commit disorderly acts because their relation to society's laws -not their laws-causes them to regard the law, the judge, and the policeman as their natural enemies. Good youths, although not participating in the depredations of the so-called bad ones, have a sort of fellow-feeling for the offender. A tacit freemasonry exists between all youth; "I must not snitch," is a universal watchword among them until the magic moment when in the twinkling of an eye they are transformed from official infancy to official manhood, with all its vested responsibilities. It is about that time that some young dare-devil who had previously occupied a favorite corner of the heart ceases to be a hero and is henceforth regarded as an outlaw. Civic responsibility has caused the change of mind.

At this point we make the direct charge that a large portion of juvenile delinquency is due to the fact that through lack of any responsibility being placed upon youths in the way of selfgovernment they became indifferent to law enforcement, or, worse still, some become lawbreakers.

[graphic]

A JUNIOR MUNICIPALITY IN EVERY
COMMUNITY

If in time of war youths are given full responsibilities of manhood, why not give them at least some responsibilities in time of peace? Is it not conceivable that they would respond? Believe me, they would, in a manner that would make some wise fossils open their eyes in amazement. I veritably believe that if adult minors of military age were given the direct responsibilities of handling the problem of delinquents below the age of twenty-one years, a marvelous change for the better would appear before much time had elapsed.

The successful try-out of this theory in its complete form in the Junior Republic at Freeville goes far to show the plan to be feasible. There will be no

attempt to give a history of the Junior Republic and its methods, for they are generally well known. It was founded on the basis that the four social forces of self-government, self-support, recreation, and service should be placed squarely up to youths of a decent age, and the belief that they would rise to the attendant responsibilities as well as adults. It was tried, and this first complete expression of a government of the youth, for the youth, and by the youth was successful. The Junior Republic is a village exactly the same as any other village in the land except for the fact that the citizens of the Junior Republic village reach their voting age at sixteen years and are given full responsibilities of citizenship at that time.

The idea of a Junior Municipality is another experiment in social doctoring that has worked successfully. The Junior Municipality is composed of all youths in a community between the ages of sixteen and twenty-one years. When one of these organizations is in operation, they have political parties and elect a Junior officer for every position occupied by a corresponding senior officer in the city government. The appointive positions are also filled by young citizens who are given such positions by the Junior Mayor. The duty of all Junior officers is to aid the senior officers in the discharge of their duties in every manner consistent with conditions.

Perhaps it may appear that the somewhat extended discussion of the "criminal" problem and the injustice to "adult minors" is a departure from the subject; but, in fact, it is very much to the point, for the social doctor understands that, whether it is the case of an individual or of a group, social life is maintained only through the functioning of the four forces of self-government, self-support, recreation, and service. Therefore when he is called to diagnose the case of the youth of our country and the officially classified delinquents he discovers that the professionals who have had these cases in

[graphic][merged small][merged small]

The young man at the extreme left, the retiring president, gave his life for his country as lieutenant in the air service. Between the fellow taking the oath as president and the young woman waiting to be sworn in as vice-president is the judge of the Junior Republic, who also gave his life for his country. After graduating from the Albany Law School and being admitted to the bar he enlisted in the 27th Division, was commissioned as lieutenant, and was killed in action

charge have had no regard for some of these forces-particularly those of self-government and to a limited extent self-support-and have been trying without success to cure the social maladies by punishment, or the use of the method adopted by the Irishman who tried to cure a sore on the tail of his dog by cutting that appendage off close behind the ears.

It will be a long step in the right direction when there is a universal belief that self-government should be given an opportunity for self-expression in every individual and community, and that if it does not work just right it needs treatment not extermination.

Self-support should be compelled except in the case of the physically unfit and children. The idle rich and the lazy poor especially, need the stimulus of the goad of necessity.

These two forces are emphasized in this article, for there seems to be more of a tendency to neglect or qualify these than is the case with recreation and service. Hence very little is said

A COURT IN SESSION AT THE JUNIOR REPUBLIC

The judge later was a law school graduate and then became United States Marshal

about these last two named major forces in this article.

EVERYBODY NEEDS THE SOCIAL DOCTOR

Let it be distinctly understood that the ideas herein recorded are not to be construed as "interloping" in the field of the church.

While all the members of society are victims of social ills, it remains for the officially labeled dependent and delinquent to come in for special organized attention as if they were the only humans afflicted with social disorders. Conferences, State and National, are held to discuss methods for their treatment, and philanthropic organizations are established, bountifully trusteed, who employ experts to do a work akin to what we suggest for a social doctor.

What is the quarrel? None whatever, except we would that the rest of mankind, who need social treatment quite as much as those bearing an official label to that effect, could be treated by a professional social doctor without first applying for charity or being convicted of a crime. Furthermore, we all need him for some minor social troubles just as much as we need the medical doctor for minor but annoying physical ailments.

So we propose the social doctor duly licensed by the State, who can hang out his shingle and do business in the way of curing or ameliorating social ills in the same dignified and effective way that his medical brother treats the physical ills.

Above all, he should not be "bossed" by a board of trustees any more than a medical doctor, a lawyer, a Burbank, or an Edison. Not that boards of trustees are always out of order, for often they are absolutely essential, but in this comparatively new field of social work there are sometimes cases of over-trusteeing. Individual initiative should be encouraged, providing the individual and the initiative are of the right sort.

The social doctor idea is feasible.

[graphic]
« AnteriorContinuar »