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A DECLARATION

TOUCHING THE

TREASONS OF THE LATE EARL OF ESSEX AND HIS COMPLICES.

Though public justice passed upon capital offenders, according to the laws, and in course of an honourable and ordinary trial (where the case would have borne and required the severity of martial law to have been speedily used), do in itself carry a sufficient satisfaction towards all men, specially in a merciful government, such as her Majesty's is approved to be: yet because there do pass abroad in the hands of many men divers false and corrupt collections and relations of the proceedings at the arraignment of the late Earls of Essex and Southampton; and again, because it is requisite that the world do understand as well the precedent practices and inducements to the treasons, as the open and actual treasons themselves (though in a case of life it was not thought convenient to insist at the trial upon matter of inference or presumption, but chiefly upon matter of plain and direct proofs); therefore it hath been thought fit to publish to the world a brief Declaration of the practices and treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earl of Essex and his complices against her Majesty and her kingdoms, and of the proceedings at the convictions of the said late Earl and his adherents upon the same treasons: and not so only, but therewithal, for the better warranting and verifying of the narration, to set down in the end the very confessions and testimonies themselves, word for word taken out of the originals, whereby it will be most manifest that nothing is obscured or disguised, though it do appear by divers most wicked and seditious libels thrown abroad, that the dregs of these treasons, which the late Earl of Essex himself, a little before his death, did term a Leprosy, that had infected far and near, do yet remain in the hearts and tongues of some misaffected persons.

THE most partial will not deny, but that Robert late Earl of Essex was by her Majesty's manifold benefits and graces, besides oath and allegiance, as much tied to her Majesty as the subject could be to the sovereign; her Majesty having heaped upon him both dignities, offices, and gifts, in such measure, as within the circle of twelve years or more there was scarcely a year of rest, in which he did not obtain at her Majesty's hands some notable addition either of honour or profit.

But he on the other side, making these her Majesty's favours nothing else but wings for his ambition, and looking upon them not as her benefits but as his advantages, supposing that to be his own metal which was but her mark and impression, was so given over by God (who often punisheth ingratitude by ambition, and ambition by treason, and treason by final ruin), as he had long ago plotted it in his heart to become a dangerous supplanter of that seat, whereof he ought to have been a principal supporter; in such sort as now every man of common sense may discern not only his last actual and open treasons, but also his former more secret practices and preparations towards those his treasons, and that without any gloss or interpreter but himself and his own doings.

For first of all, the world can now expound why it was that he did aspire, and had almost attained, unto a greatness like unto the ancient greatness of the Præfectus Prætorio under the Emperors of Rome, to have all men of war to make their sole and particular dependence upon him; that with such jealousy and watchfulness he sought to discountenance any one that might be a competitor to him in any part of that greatness; that with great violence and bitterness he sought to suppress and keep down all the worthiest martial men which did not appropriate their respects and acknowledgments only towards himself. All which did manifestly detect and distinguish, that it was not the reputation of a famous leader in the wars which he sought (as it was construed a great while), but only power and greatness to serve his own ends; considering he never loved virtue nor valour in another, but where he thought he should be proprietary and commander of it, as referred to himself.

So likewise those points of popularity which every man took notice and note of, as his affable gestures, open doors, making his table and his bed so popularly places of audience to suitors,

denying nothing when he did nothing, feeding many men in their discontentments against the Queen and the state, and the like, as they ever were since Absalon's time the forerunners of treasons following, so in him were they either the qualities of a nature disposed to disloyalty, or the beginnings and conceptions of that which afterwards grew to shape and form.

But as it were a vain thing to think to search the roots and first motions of treasons, which are known to none but God that discerns the heart, and the devil that gives the instigation; so it is more than to be presumed (being made apparent by the evidence of all the events following) that he carried into Ireland a heart corrupted in his allegiance, and pregnant of those or the like treasons which afterwards came to light.

For being a man by nature of an high imagination, and a great promiser to himself as well as to others, he was confident that if he were once the first person in a kingdom, and a sea between the Queen's seat and his, and Wales the nearest land from Ireland, and that he had got the flower of the English forces into his hands (which he thought so to intermix with his own followers, as the whole body should move by his spirit), and if he might have also absolutely into his hands potestatem vitæ et necis and arbitrium belli et pacis over the rebels of Ireland, whereby he might entice and make them his own, first by pardons and conditions, and after by hopes to bring them in place where they should serve for hope of better booties than cows, he should be able to make that place of Lieutenancy of Ireland as a rise or step to ascend to his desired greatness in England.

And although many of these conceits were windy, yet neither were they the less like to his, neither are they now only probable conjectures or comments upon these his last treasons, but the very preludes of actions almost immediately subsequent, as shall be touched in due place.

But first, it was strange with what appetite and thirst he did affect and compass the government of Ireland, which he did obtain. For although he made some formal shows to put it from him; yet in this, as in most things else, his desires being too strong for his dissimulations, he did so far pass the bounds of decorum, as he did in effect name himself to the Queen by such description and such particularities as could not be applied to any other but himself; neither did he so only, but further he

was still at hand to offer and urge vehemently and peremptorily exceptions to any other that was named.

Then after he once found that there was no man but himself (who had other matters in his head) so far in love with that charge as to make any competition or opposition to his pursuit, whereby he saw it would fall upon him, and especially after himself was resolved upon, he began to make propositions to her Majesty by way of taxation of the former course held in managing the actions of Ireland, especially upon three points; The first, that the proportions of forces which had been there maintained and continued by supplies, were not sufficient to bring the prosecutions there to period. The second, that the axe had not been put to the root of the tree, in regard there had not been made a main prosecution upon the arch-traitor Tyrone in his own strength, within the province of Ulster. The third, that the prosecutions before time had been intermixed and interrupted with too many temporizing treaties, whereby the rebel did ever gather strength and reputation to renew the war with advantage. All which goodly and well-sounding discourses, together with the great vaunts that he would make the earth tremble before him, tended but to this, that the Queen should increase the list of her army and all proportions of treasure and other furniture, to the end his commandment might be the greater. For that he never intended any such prosecution may appear by this, that even at the time before his going into Ireland he did open himThe confes- self so far in speech to Blunt, his inwardest counsellor, That he did assure himself that many of the rebels in Ireland would be advised by him: so far was he from intending any prosecution towards those in whom he took himself to have interest. But his ends were two; The one, to get great forces into his hands; the other, to oblige the heads of the rebellion unto him, and to make them of his party. These two ends had in themselves a repugnancy; for the one imported prosecution, and the other treaty but he, that meant to be too strong to be called to account for anything, and meant besides when he was once in Ireland to engage himself in other journeys that should hinder the prosecution in the North, took things in order as they made for him. And so first did nothing, as was said, but trumpet a final and utter prosecution against Tyrone in the North, to the end to have his forces augmented.

sion of

Blunt, 3.