intend to include negroes by the fact that they did not at once actually place them on an equality with the whites. Now, this grave argument comes to just nothing at all by the other fact that they did not at once or ever afterward actually place all white people on an equality with one another. And this is the staple argument of both the Chief Justice and the Senator for doing this obvious violence to the plain, unmistakable language of the Declaration.

I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include all men; but they did not intend to declare all men equal in

all respects. They did not mean
to say all were equal in color, size,
intellect, moral development, or
social capacity.
They defined

with tolerable distinctness in what
respects they did consider all men
created equal-equal with "cer-
tain inalienable rights, among
which are life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness.”
said, and this they meant.

This they

They

did not mean to assert the obvious
untruth that all were then actually
enjoying that equality, nor yet
that they were about to confer it
immediately upon them.
In fact,
they had no power to confer
such a boon. They meant simply

to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit. They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which should be familiar to all, and revered by all; constantly looked to, constantly labored for, and even though never perfectly attained, constantly approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its influence and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people of all colors everywhere. The assertion that "all men are created equal" was of no practical use in affecting our separation from Great

Britain; and it was placed in the Declaration not for that, but for future use. Its authors meant it to be, as, thank God, it is now proving itself, a stumbling-block to all those who in after times might seek to turn a free people back into the hateful paths of despotism. They knew the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants; and they meant when such should reappear in this fair land and commence their vocation, they should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack.

From Speech at Springfield, June 16, 1858.

F we could first know where

Pale we are and whither we are

tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented.