I need, if she is not to be at the mercy of stronger powers, that 1 be the work of more than twenty years, building twenty rships per year; hitherto our navy has added only six per year. order to get the men to man these ships, she must take the ans to educate them. That she can do this there is no quesn; that the American either on sea or land is at least equal to e man of any other nation cannot be gainsaid. More than is, I know the American workman, especially the mechanic, to the most skillful, most versatile, in the world-and victories at a depend as much upon the mechanic below as upon the gunner n deck, and American gunners have no equals. It was no surrise to me that the American warships sunk those of Spain withut loss. I spent last winter abroad in the society of distinguished en of European nations who congregate at Cannes. The opinon was universally held by them that for a time the Spanish avy would be master over us, although it was admitted the uperior resources of the United States must eventually ensure ictory. I said then that, whenever any warships in the world et those of the American Navy, the other worships would go to he bottom-for two reasons; first, our ships were the latest and eir equipment was the best, and, second, I knew the kind of en who were behind the guns. If ever the Republic falls from er industrial ideals and descends to the level of the war ideals

Europe she will be supreme. I have no doubt of that. he man whom this stimulating climate produces is the wiriest, lickest, most versatile of all men, and the power of organization tists in the American in greater perfection than in any other. ut what I submit is that at present the Republic is an industrial ve, without an adequate navy and without soldiers; that she erefore must have a protector; and that if she is to figure in the at she cannot be in any sense an imperial power at all. Imrialism implies naval and military force behind; moral force, !ucation, civilization, are not the backbone of Imperialism; these

the moral forces which make for the higher civilization, for mericanism-the foundation for Imperialism is brutal physical rength, fighting men with material forces, warships and artil

ry.

The author of "A Look Ahead," which first appeared in this EVIEW, is not likely to be suspected of hostility to the coming gether of the English-speaking race. It has been my dream,

National

ism;

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and it is one of the movements that lie closest to my heart. Fo many years the United flag has floated from my summer hom in my native land, the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack sew together the first of that kind of flag ever seen. Th flag will continue to fly there and the winds to blo the two from side to side in loving embrace. But I do n favor a formal alliance, such as that desired by Senator Davi On the contrary, I rely upon the "alliance of hearts," which hap pily exists to-day. Alliances of fighting power form and dissoly with the questions which arise from time to time. The patriotism race lies deeper and is not disturbed by waves upon the surfac The present era of good feeling between the old and the new lan means that the home of Shakespeare and Burns will never be i vaded without other than native-born Britons being found in i defence. It means that the giant child, the Republic, is not to set upon by a combination of other races and pushed to its d struction without a growl coming from the old lion which wi shake the earth. But it should not mean that either the old lar or the new binds itself to support the other in all its design either at home or abroad, but that the Republic shall remain t friend of all nations and the ally of none; that, being free to-day all foreign entanglements, she shall not undertake to support Br ain, who has these to deal with. Take Russia for instance. On last year leading statesmen were pushing Britain into a crusa against that country. They proposed to prevent its legitimate e pansion toward the Pacific-legitimate, because it is over cotermi ous territory, which Russia can absorb and Russianize, keeping h empire solid. She knows better than to have outlying possessio open to attack. Russia has always been the friend of the Unit States. When Lord Palmerston, Prime Minister of Great Britai proposed to recognize the South, Russia sent her fleet to N York. Russia sold us Alaska; we have no opposing interests those of Russia; the two nations are the only two great natio in the world, solid, compact, impregnable, because each has d veloped only coterminous territory, upon which its own race cou grow. Even in the matter of trade with Russia, our exports a increasing with wonderful rapidity. Shiploads of American loc motives, American steel bridges and American electrical machine for her leave our shores. Everything in which our country either supreme or becoming supreme goes to Russia. Suppo

Britain and Russia clash in the Far East and we have an alliance with Britain, we are at war against one of our best friends.

The sister Republic of France and our own, from her very beginning, have been close friends. The services France rendered at the Revolution may be, but should never be, forgotten by the American. That some interests in France sympathized with Spain was only natural. The financial world in France held the Spanish debt. The religion of France is the religion of Spain. The enemies of the French Republic sided with the monarchy. But this can be said without fear of contradiction, that those who govern France stood the friends of our Republic, and that our enemies in France were also the enemies of the French Government. An alliance with Britain and Japan would make us a pos-] sible enemy of France. I would not make an alliance which involved that. I would make no alliance with any power under any circumstances that can be imagined; I would have the Republic remain the friend of all powers. That has been her policy from the beginning, and so it should remain.

When "the world shall have a wholesome fear synonymous with respect for us," as Senator Davis desires, it will not be a good day for the Republic. Adherence to Washington's desire seems better to me-that we should be the "friends of all nations"-a wholesome friendship instead of a "wholesome fear."

Reference has been made to possible difference arising between the protector and its ward, but I do not wish to be understood as entertaining the belief that actual war is probable between them. Far from this, my opinion is that actual war will never exist again between the two branches of the English-speaking race. Should one have a grievance, the other would offer Arbitration, and no government of either could exist which refused that offer. The most powerful government ever known in Britain was that of Lord Salisbury, when President Cleveland rightfully demanded Arbitration in the Venezuelan case. As is well known, Mr. Gladstone's government had agreed to Arbitration. Lord Salisbury, upon coming into power, repudiated that agreement. Lord Salisbury denied President Cleveland's request, and what was the result? Some uninformed persons in the United States believe that he was compelled to withdraw his refusal and accede to President Cleveland's request by the attitude of the United States. That was only partially true. The forces in Britain supporting Lord

Salisbury compelled him to reverse his decision. This is an open secret. Those nearest and next to him in power who sided with President Cleveland could be named; but the published cables are sufficient. The heir and the next heir to the throne cabled" that they hoped and believed the question would be peacefully settled." That behind this cable was the Queen herself, always the friend of the Republic, need not be doubted.

The idea of actual war between Great Britain and the Republic can be dismissed as something which need not be taken into account; but what is to be feared is this: the neutrality of Britain -even to-day desired by other powers-in case her ward gave her offence, or was as she supposed, ungrateful, and did not make full return for the protection accorded to the weakling, as we have said. It did not require the active hostility of Great Britain to thwart Japan and push her out of her possessions, but simply her decision not to interfere on Japan's behalf. Had Japan had satisfactory advantages to offer to Britain, she might have had Britain's support. It is the satisfactory bargain that alliances are founded upon in Europe; every European nation has its price, and every one of them has something which the other covets. France could give Britain a free hand in Egypt, Germany could concur in Britain's acquisition of Delagoa Bay and end her troubles in the Transvaal. This is something Britain dearly covets. Russia could give Britain a desired frontier in India. These nations have all co-related interests and desires, and no man can predict what alliances will be broken and what made it is all a matter of selfinterest. The United States has not this position. She has little desirable to offer in exchange for alliance, and in all probability she would be sacrificed for the aims of her strong rivals-at least she might be, being herself powerless.

When a statesman has in his keeping the position and interests of his country, all speculation as to the future fruition of ideas of what should be or what will one day rule the world, and of the "good day coming" when the pen shall supersede the sword, and of all the noble hopes and aspirations for a better future, must be resolutely dismissed. It is not with things as they are to be in the future, but with things as they are in the present, that it is his serious duty to deal. The dream, in which no one perhaps indulges more than the writer, of the union of the English-speaking race, even that entrancing dream must be recog

nized as only a dream. The "Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World," we know is to come. The evolutionist has never any doubt about the realization of the highest ideals from the operation of that tendency within us, not ourselves, which makes for righteousness. But he is no statesman-he is only a dreamer -who allows his hopes to stand against facts, and he who proposes that the United States, as she stands to-day, shall enter into the coming struggle in the Far East, depending upon any alliance that can be made with any or all of the powers, seems unsuited to shape the policy or deal with the destinies of the Republic.

Just consider her position, solid, compact, impregnable; if all the naval forces were to combine to attack her what would be her reply? She would fill her ports with mines, she would draw her ships of war behind them, ready to rush out as favorable opportunities might offer to attack. But she would do more than this in extremity; she would close her ports-a few loaded scows would do the business-and all the powers in the world would be impotent to injure her seriously. The fringe only would be troubled; the great empire within would scarcely feel the attack.

The injury she would inflict upon the principal powers by closing her ports would be much more serious than could be inflicted upon her; because non-exportation of food-stuffs and cotton would mean famine and distress to Britain and injure her to a greater degree than loss in battle. Even in France and in Germany the results of non-exportation would be more serious than the effects of ordinary war. It would only be a matter of a short time until the powers recognized how futile was their attempt to injure seriously this self-contained Republic, whose estate here lies secure within a ring fence.

The national wealth would not grow as fast during the blockade, but that is all. Our foreign trade would suffer, but that is a trifle, not more than four per cent. of our domestic commerce. No expert estimates the annual domestic exchanges of the people. at less than fifty thousand millions of dollars; those of exports and imports have never yet reached quite two thousand millions. The annual increase of domestic exchanges is estimated to be just about equal to the total of all our Foreign Trade, Imports and Exports combined. Labor would be displaced, but the new demand upon it caused by the new state of affairs would employ