decided to-day, it is now considered probable that Britain would support Japan. Germany obtained a concession in China, and Britain promptly appeared, demanding that Germany should maintain the "open door" in all her Chinese territory; the same demand was made on Russia. Both perforce consented. The Far East is a mine of dynamite, always liable to explode. Into this magazine the United States proposes to enter and take a hand in the coming contest. It is obvious that what was done with Japan in regard to Chinese territory may be done with the United States in regard to her territory, the Philippines, and for the same reason, that the dictator is overwhelmingly strong and the victim helplessly weak. The relative strength of the powers contending for Empire in the Far East is as follows: Great Britain has 80 first class ships of war, 581 warships in all; France has 50 first class warships, and a total of 403; Russia has 40 first class warships, 286 in all; Germany has 28 first class warships, a total of 216. Japan will soon rank with Germany, and be stronger there because close to the scene of action. The United States proposes to enter into the zone of danger with 18 first class, and a total of 81 ships. These would hardly count as half that number, however, owing to her greater distance from the battle ground. Russia is 8,000 miles, the other Europeans about 9,000 miles from it. The United States is from 15,000 to 17,000 miles distant via the Cape and via the Straits; the route via Europe is about 12,000 miles, but that would be impracticable during war time, as the American ships going via Europe would pass right into the trap of their European enemies. The armies of the European nations are as follows: Germany's army on a peace footing numbers 562,352 men, on a war footing 3,000,000 (and a large addition ordered); France's army on a peace footing, 615,413, on a war footing, 2,500,000; Russia's, on a peace footing, 750,944, on a war footing, 2,512,143. All Frenchmen and Germans over 20, and all Russians over 21 years of age, are subject to military service. They are, in fact, first soldiers, then citizens. It is obvious that the United States cannot contest any question or oppose any demand of any one of its rivals which secures the neutrality of the other powers, as France, Germany and Russia did that of Britain. She cannot stand alone. What the Saturday Review says here is true: "Let us be frank and say outright that we expect mutual gain in material interests from this rapprochement. The American Commissioners at Paris are making their bargains, whether they realize it or not, under the protecting naval strength of England, and we shall expect a material quid pro quo for this assistance. We expect the United States to deal generously with Canada in the matter of tariffs, and we expect to be remembered when the United States comes into possession of the Philippine Islands, and above all we expect her assistance on the day, which is quickly approaching, when the future of China comes up for settlement, for the young imperialist has entered upon a path where it will require a strong friend, and a lasting friendship between the two nations can be secured not by frothy sentimentality on public platforms, but by reciprocal advantages in solid material interests." Bishop Potter has recently stated that we must become the catspaw of Britain," if we venture into the arena, and that is true. By Britain's neutrality, and by that alone, were we permitted to take the Philippines at all from Spain. But for that, France, Germany and Russia never would have stood aloof, and the price demanded President McKinley has had to pay-the "open door," which secures the trade of our possessions for Britain. Nothing more significant has occurred than the statement of Senator Davis, Chairman of the Senate Committee upon Foreign Relations, whose ability, influence and position are alike commanding. He says: "I favor a treaty of alliance including the United States, Great Britain and Japan, for the protection of all their interests north of the equator. The rest of the world would have a wholesome fear, synonymous with re spect, for us." We may assume after this that it is true, that, just as we were allowed by Britain to take the Philippines from Spain, so our position in the East depends upon her continued support or alliance-rather a humiliating position, I should say, for the Republic. But let us see about alliances. Can we depend upon an alliance? National combinations change with alarming rapidity in Europe. France and Britain allied, fought the Crimean War; they took Sebastopol as we took Manila. Their flags waved together there, but they did not consider that that fact gave them the right to demand territory. To-day Russia and France are in firm alliance against Britain and other nations. Germany fought Austria; to-day they are in the Triple Alliance together, Italy 4 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. Europe is a allied with France fought the Battle of Solferino; to-day Italy is a member of the Triple Alliance against France. kaleidoscope, where alliances change, dissolve, recombine and take other forms with passing events. During the past week the bitter enmity which recently existed between Germany and Britain, ow upor together ing to German interference in the Transvaal, is changed that "they see and it is announced many points and expect to co-operate more and more in the fu ture." This morning the question is: Shall France and Ger many combine for some common ends? This would have bee considered remarkable a short time ago, but statesmen will re member that Germany and France did combine with Russia t drive Japan out of China. There is no alliance, not even th most apparently incongruous, that cannot be made, and that wil not be made, to meet the immediate interests or ambitions of na tions. Senator Davis seems to rest satisfied with an alliance fo his country with Britain and Japan. If he had an alliance to day, it might not be worth the paper it was written upon to morrow. I say, therefore, that no American statesman should place hi country in any position which it could not defend, relying onl upon its own strong right arm. Its arm at present is not muc to depend upon; its 81 ships of war are too trifling to be take into account; and as for its army-what are its 56,000 regulars Its volunteers are being disbanded. Both its Navy and its Arm are good for one thing only-for easy capture or destructio by either one of the stronger powers. It is the protection Britain, and that alone, upon which we have to rely-in the F East a slender thread indeed. Upon the shifting sands of a liances we are to have our only foundation. The writer is not of those who believe that the Republ cannot make herself strong enough to walk alone, and to hold h own, and to be an imperial power of herself, and by herself, an not the weak protegé of a real imperial power. But, in make herself an imperial power she must do as imp do-she must create a navy equal to the navy of ane She must have hundreds of thousands of r operate with the navy. If she devoted herself exclusively and a navy equal to that of Britain, for steel will need, if she is not to be at the mercy of stronger powers, that will be the work of more than twenty years, building twenty warships per year; hitherto our navy has added only six per year. In order to get the men to man these ships, she must take the means to educate them. That she can do this there is no question; that the American either on sea or land is at least equal to the man of any other nation cannot be gainsaid. More than this, I know the American workman, especially the mechanic, to be the most skillful, most versatile, in the world-and victories at sea depend as much upon the mechanic below as upon the gunner on deck, and American gunners have no equals. It was no surprise to me that the American warships sunk those of Spain without loss. I spent last winter abroad in the society of distinguished men of European nations who congregate at Cannes. The opinion was universally held by them that for a time the Spanish Navy would be master over us, although it was admitted the superior resources of the United States must eventually ensure victory. I said then that, whenever any warships in the world met those of the American Navy, the other worships would go to the bottom-for two reasons; first, our ships were the latest and their equipment was the best, and, second, I knew the kind of men who were behind the guns. If ever the Republic falls from her industrial ideals and descends to the level of the war ideals of Europe she will be supreme. I have no doubt of that. The man whom this stimulating climate produces is the wiriest, quickest, most versatile of all men, and the power of organization exists in the American in greater perfection than in any other. But what I submit is that at present the Republic is an industrial hive, without an adequate navy and without soldiers; that she therefore must have a protector; and that if she is to figure in the East she cannot be in any sense an imperial power at all. Imperialism implies naval and military force behind; moral force, education, civilization, are not the backbone of Imperialism; these are the moral forces which make for the higher civilization, for Americanism—the foundation for Imperialism is brutal physical strength, fighting men with material forces, warships and artillery. The author of "A Look Ahead,” which first appeared in this REVIEW, is not likely to be suspected of hostility to the coming together of the English-speaking race. It has been my dream, decided to-day, it is now support Japan. Germany obtained a appeared, demanding 1 door" in all her Chi on Russia. Both perf dynamite, always liab1 Into this magazin take a hand in the c done with Japan in r the United States in for the same reason and the victim help The relative str in the Far East is ships of war, 581 v ships, and a total of all; Germany has 2 will soon rank with to the scene of acti The United St ger with 18 first would hardly coun greater distance fr the other Europea States is from 15, via the Straits; th that would be im ships going via Eu European enemies. The armies of many's army on a footing 3,000,000 on a peace footing, on a peace footing Frenchmen and G of age, are subjec soldiers, then citi It is obvious th tion or annose an to-day Italy Europe is a ambine and take week the bitter and Britain, owTaal, is changed, together upon and more in the fuSnal France and GerThis would have been but statesmen will recombine with Russia to -ne alliance, not even the not be made, and that will interests or ambitions of nasatisfied with an alliance for 17: Jan. If he had an alliance to2.0t be a paper it was written upon to American statesman should place his Its arm at present is not much those who believe that the Republic |