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THE NATURAL LIMITS OF A MONARCHY.

A MONARCHICAL STATE ought to be of a MODERATE EXTENT.-Were it fmall, it would form itself into a republic: were it very large, the nobility, possessed of great eftates, far from the eye of the prince, with a private court of their own, and fecure moreover from fudden executions by the laws and manners of the country, such a nobility, I fay, might throw off their allegiance, having nothing to fear from too flow and too diftant a punishment. After the decease of Alexander his empire was divided. How was it poffible for thofe Greek and Macedonian chiefs, who were each of them free and independent, or commanders at least of the victorious bands difperfed throughout that vaft extent of conquered land, how was it poffible, I fay, for them to be long united?

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SECT. XV.

THE DISTINCTIVE PROPERTY OF A DESPOTIC

GOVERNMENT.

A LARGE EMPIRE fuppofes a DESPOTIC AUTHORITY in the person who governs.—It is neceffary that the quickness of the prince's refolutions fhould fupply the distance of the places they are fent to; that fear fhould prevent the remiffness of the diftant governor or magiftrate; that the law fhould be derived from a fingle perfon, and fhould shift continually, according to the accidents which inceffantly multiply in a state in proportion to its ex

tenta.

a Montefquicu.

SECT.

SECT. XVI.

THE MANNER IN WHICH DIFFERENT GOVERN-
MENTS PROVIDE FOR THEIR SECURITY.

A kingdom of a moderate extent is liable to fudden invasions: it must therefore have fortresses to defend its troops to garrifon those fortreffes.-The

frontiers; and troops leaft spet of ground is difputed with military skill and re

folution.-Fortreffes are proper for monarchies; DESPOTIC GOVERNMENTS are afraid of them.-They dare nst intruft their officers with fuch a command, as none of them have any affection for the prince or his govern

ment.

DESPOTIC GOVERNMENTS, when invaded, facrifice a part of the country; and by ravaging and defolating the frontiers, they render the heart of the empire inacceffible. They preferve themfelves likewife by another kind of feparation, which is by putting the most distant provinces into the hands of a great vaffal.-The MOGUL, the king of PERSIA, and the emperors of CHINA, have their fudatories; and the TURKS have found their ac

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count

count in putting the Tartars, the Moldavians, the Wallachians, and formerly the Tranfilvanians, between themfelves and their enemies.

The real power of a prince does not confift so much in the facility he meets with in making conquefts, as in the difficulty an enemy finds in attacking him, and, if I may fo fpeak, in the immutability of his condition. But the increase of territory obliges a government to lay itself more open to an enemy.

As Monarchs therefore ought to be endued with wif dom in order to increase their power, they ought likewise to have an equal share of prudence to confine it within bounds.-Upon removing the inconveniencies of too small a territory, they should have their eye conftantly on the inconveniencies which attend its extenta.

a Montefquieu.

ΤΗΣ

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IN MONARCHIES our character is not formed in colleges or academies.-It commences, in fome measure, at our fetting out in the world; for this is the school of what we call honour, that universal preceptor which ought every where to be our guide.

In our days we receive three different or contrary educations, namely, of our parents, of our mafters, and of the world. What we learn in the latter, effaces all the

ideas of the former.

Here it is that we constantly hear these rules or maxims, viz. that we should have a certain nobleness in our virtues, a kind of frankness in our morals, and a particular politeness in our behaviour.

The

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