SPOILS, AND ITS STRENGTH IS ONLY THE POWER OF A FEW, AND THE LICENTIOUSNESS OF MANY.

ATHENS was poffeffed of the fame number of forces, when the triumphed so gloriously, and when with so much infamy fhe was enflaved.—She had twenty thousand citizens', when he defended the Greeks against the PERSIANS, when he contended for empire with SPARTA, and invaded SICILY.-She had twenty thousand when DEMETRIUS PHALEREUS numbered them3, as flaves are told by the head in a market place.-When PHILIP attempted to lord it over Greece, and appeared at the gates of Athens, She had even then loft nothing but time.-We may fee in Demofthenes how difficult it was to awaken her: fhe dreaded Philip, not as the enemy of her liberty, but of her pleafures.-This FAMOUS CITY, which had withstood fo many defeats, and after having been so often deftroyed, had as often rifen out of her afhes, was overthrown at CHERONEA, and at one blow deprived of all hopes of refource. What does it avail her, that Philip fends back her prifoners, if he does not return her men ?—It was ever

a Plutarch, Life of Pericles, Plato in Critia.

b She had at that time twenty-one thousand citizens, ten thousand strang ers, and four hundred thousand flaves. See Athenæus, Book 6.

She had then twenty thousand citizens. See Demofthenes in Ariftog. d They had paffed a law, which rendered it a capital crime for any one to propofe applying the money defigned for the theatres to military service. after

after as eafy to triumph over the Athenian forces, as it had been difficult to fubdue her virtue.

How was it poffible for Carthage to maintain her ground? When HANNIBAL, upon his being made Prætor, endeavoured to hinder the magiftrates from plundering the republic, did not they complain of him to the ROMANS?Wretches, who would fain be citizens without a city, and beholden for their riches to their very deftroyers!-ROME foon infifted upon having three hundred of their principal citizens as hostages; the obliged them next to surrender their arms and fhips, and then the declared war. From the defperate efforts of this defenceless' city, one may judge of what he might have performed in her full vigour, and affifted by virtue.

a This lafted three years.

Montesquieu

H

SECT

1

SECT. VI.

PUBLIC VIRTUE IS IN A LESS DEGREE ESSENTIAL TO AN ARISTOCRACY.

As virtue is neceffary in a POPULAR GOVERNMENT, it is requifite alfo under an ARISTOCRACY.-True it is, that in the latter is not fo abfolutely requifite.

The people, who in refpect to the nobility are the same as the fubjects with regard to a monarch, are reftrained by their laws.-They have, therefore, lefs occafion for virtue than the people in a democracy.-But how are the nobility to be reftrained?-They who are to execute the laws against their colleagues, will immediately perceive they are acting against themselves.—VIRTUE is therefore neceffary in this body, from the very nature of the conftitution.

An ARISTOCRATICAL GOVERNMENT has an inherent vigour, unknown to democracy.-The nobles form a body, who by their prerogative, and for their own particular intereft, reftrain the people; it is fufficient, that there are laws in being to have them executed.

But

But eafy as it may be for the body of the nobles to reftrain the people, restraints will with difficulty reach the legiflative body.-Such is the nature of the conflitution, that it seems to subject the very fame perfons to the power of the laws, and at the fame time to exempt them.-Public crimes may indeed be punished, because it is here a common concern; but private crimes will go unpunished, ber cause it is the common interest not to punish them.

Now fuch a body as this will reftrain itself only two ways; either by a very eminent virtue, which puts the nobility in fome measure on a level with the people, or by an inferior virtue, which puts them at least upon a level with one another, and on this their preservation depends.

Moderation is therefore the very foul of this government; a moderation I mean founded on virtue, not that which proceeds from indolence and pufillanimity.

a Though all crimes be in their own nature public, yet there is a distinction between crimes really public, and thofe that are private, which are fo called, because they are more injurious to individuals than to the community.

SECT. VII.

HONOUR THE STAY OF MONARCHY.

A MONARCHICAL GOVERNMENT fuppofeth, as we have already obferved, pre-eminences and ranks, as likewife a noble descent.-Now fince it is the nature of bonour to aspire to preferments and titles, it is properly placed in this government.

Ambition is pernicious in a republic.-But in a monarchy it has fome good effects; it gives life to the government, and is attended with this advantage, that it is no way dangerous, because it will be continually

checked.

It is with this kind of government as with the fyftem of the universe, in which there is a power that conftantly repels all bodies from the center, and a power of gravitation that attracts them to it.-HONOUR fets all the parts of the body politic in motion, and by its very action connects them; thus each individual advances the public good, while he only thinks of promoting his own intereft.

True