of Elizabethan literature will be particularly grateful to him for the analysis and comparison of the two versions of the Arcadia. The general reader will perhaps be astonished to find the Greek novels at least more modern than those of Shakespeare's time. As for Daphnis and Chloe, which is certainly the most artistic of the three, far from being an ideal in the classic spirit, like the Nausicaä episode of the Odyssey, or the idyls of Theocritus, or even archaistic like Leon Bakst's Greek shepherdesses, who would seem to have come from Lesbos by way of Crete, it is really a piece to be illustrated by Watteau or Bouchier. The most famous descendant of Longus's precious pair of innocents, Bernardin de St. Pierre's Paul and Virginia, resembles Daphnis and Chloe less than do his contemporary Marmontel's Moral Tales.

One element, and that the most important, the love-motive, they share not only with the Elizabethan but with all other novels. "Love is not love when it alteration finds," but there are many sorts of love in novels as in life. In Heliodorus Sir Philip Sidney found ready-made all the interminable eloquence which he reproduced in the Arcadia and among the characters in the novel of Achilles Tatius, Roderick Random himself would hardly have felt uncomfortable. L. P. CHAMBERLAYNE.

DEMOCRACY And Race FricTION. By John Moffatt Mecklin. New York: The Macmillian Company. $1.25.

This book is a readable and stimulating analysis of the race problem. The author holds the essence of the race problem to inhere in the existence of two different races, side by side, with the stronger barring the weaker from social assimilation and social equality with itself. In the detailed analysis of this problem three primary points are discussed: race differences, social solidarity, and the probable outcome of the present racial situation in its relation to traditional American ideas of democracy and equality. In all phases of the discussion the problem is shown to be one of the group rather than the individual.

Important differences between the white and the negro races

are due to different hereditary instincts and impulses created by a fundamentally different physical and social environment. Mobility of temperament, openness to suggestion, and powerful sex impulses in the negro race are accompanied by weak powers of inhibition. The negro cannot control these impulses and instincts, and failure to do this incapacitates him for adapting himself to the complex civilization of the white race. No positive opinion is given regarding the significance of these racial differences. "When the question is raised as to whether these hereditary racial differences of the negro brand him as inferior or as incapable of assimilating the civilization of the white to the extent demanded for the highest social efficiency there is the greatest discrepancy of opinion" (pp. 74, 75). Dr. Mecklin believes that the time is not yet ripe for an answer to this question. The negro is on trial now and the issue of inferiority rests in his hands.

The insistence upon racial solidarity by the white race is due in the last analysis to the instinct for race preservation. No two social groups can live side by side and maintain standards of equal authority and value. One must occupy a dominating, the other a subordinate position. "The race discriminations which one meets at every turn in the South become in their last analysis a form of self-preservation adopted by the group mind of the white" (p. 15). The author admits the insolubility of the problem in accordance with our traditional ideas of democracy and equality on account of the existence of the racial solidarity of the white race. The best that can be attained is a modus vivendi. Two feasible ways of treating the problem are suggested. One is to permit a "status based upon race traits and the resulting caste distinctions" (p. 268). This, of course, would require a modification of our traditional political ideas. And it would serve "to perpetuate and to stereotype rather than solve the problem" (p. 269). The alternative to this practical caste system is to subject the negroes to industrial competition and let them find a natural level, both as individuals and as a group. "It may very well be that competition and social selection, stretching over long periods of time, will bring about that ethnic homogeneity which seems to be a prerequisite to social solidarity

and an efficient democracy" (p. 270). Here the author does not seem to be consistent with the facts. Competition has eliminated the negro as an economic factor in the North and has helped to intensify the racial differences between him and the white man. This does not give any ground for hoping that ethnic homogeneity will be brought about in the South by competition. Indeed, some evidence is accumulating to show that the result of industrial competition in the South will be the same as that in the North.

An interesting possibility in the race problem is touched upon but not fully and clearly discussed. If the negro cannot equip himself for economic efficiency without closer association with the white race which is now denied him, would not the inevitable result be racial retrogression and economic extinction? If this should happen, what would be the fate of the negro? Would he be eliminated as a race or would he constitute a lingering disease in the social body, placing an enormous burden upon the white race by his presence?

At times Dr. Mecklin seems to shrink from the logic of his conclusions. His feelings seem to be at variance with his logic. But even with a certain inconsistency and incompleteness of treatment the book has done much toward analyzing and making clear what the race problem really involves. It is a contribution to the literature which attempts to explain the social psychology or group thinking that is at the basis of race relation.

J. G. STEVENS.

SOCIAL FORCES IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA. By H. G. Wells. New York: Harper & Brothers.

In describing the social forces of English and American life, Mr. Wells has covered a broad range of disconnected subjects, developing them with his usual insight and charm of style. Such topics as Socialism, the Modern Novel, Divorce, the Ideal Citizen, the American Population and Modern Warfare give evidence of the scope of discussion. The point of view is characteristic of the author. His attitude is that of the speculative social philosopher and prophet. He looks to the future,

analyzes the trend of the present, and aims to determine the extent and probable result of existing social tendencies. In warfare he inquires what is to follow the dreadnought. In discussing British imperialism he asks: "Will the Empire Live?" In writing on the American Population his inquiry is, "What social structure is this pool of mixed humanity developing or likely to develop?" (p. 327).

Probably the American reader will take the keenest interest in that part of the book which describes the American Population. The primary distinction (in regard to social problems) between America and other countries is the fact of an immigrant population. America is "a great sea of human beings detached from their traditions of origin" (pp. 330-331). But this "huge classless sea of American population is not destined to remain classless, is already developing separation and distinction and structures of its own" (p. 331). It is this process of social change and assimilation and integration of the foreign element in the United States which is so fascinating to Mr. Wells. Four potentially constructive elements are behind the "new movement of ideas that make for organization in American medley at the present time" (p. 356). These are the American plutocracy, the great American universities, the socialist movement, and the latent possibilities of the American woman. The personal quality of the American plutocracy has risen in the last three decades, and there is a new and awakened sense of public responsibility on the part of the one-time irresponsible holders of great wealth. The moral and intellectual influence of American universities is tending to bring about a definite, planned, and persistent social improvement in place of sporadic efforts at social reform. In the socialist movement there is the germ of the "sense of the state" which holds the promise of patriotic and generous cooperation by all classes of people. The developing consciousness of woman is profoundly influencing the more intimate social life of the people. In the possibilities of these different elements the author finds a hopeful and constructing basis for the future growth and vigor of our national life.

The treatment of other subjects is scarcely less suggestive

than the discussion of the American Population. The student of contemporary social problems will find here a wholesome and refreshing book, which arouses keen interest over a wide range of material and which adds to the stimulus of its ideas the touch of literary brilliancy and charm. J. G. STEVENS.

RACE ORTHODOXY IN THE South and OTHER ASPECTS OF THE Negro QUESTION. By Thomas Pearce Bailey. Washington and New York: The Neale Publishing Co.

As this volume of nearly four hundred pages consists of numerous articles, addresses, book reviews, etc., written at different times, there is of course a good deal of repetition. But there are some things which bear repetition, and the book is a timely and valuable one.

By "race orthodoxy," of which Mr. Bailey is a firm adherent, he means the creed that this is a white man's country and that not only is social equality with resulting inter-marriage between whites and blacks to be resolutely resisted, but also political, civic, or any other kind of equality that may act as an entering wedge to social equality and inter-marriage. He says, for example: "When high-grade whites demand that certain negroes be treated as exceptional persons apart from race status, they endanger the peace of the community." And again he declares that, for the sake of the blacks and whites, no "door of hope" should be opened to the negro "that will usher him into ultimate hell-fire of race strife." Nevertheless, the author states his beliefs in Christian and democratic equality and in the immeasurable worth of each human soul in the eyes of God. Each reader of the book can judge for himself of the author's success in reconciling his belief with "race orthodoxy." He admits the impossibility of putting this abstract humanitarian creed into practice as long as the two races live side by side and so long as the white race is determined to prevent amalgamation by inter-marriage. His tentative solution of the negro problem is therefore colonization of the blacks, with "their free consent and enthusiastic cooperation," if possible; but by force if necessary. He does not, however, dogmatically urge this solution.