copius, proved of absolutely no assistance whatsoever and never coalesced with the main division during the now numbered days of Julian Augustus. With the main division Julian followed the Euphrates southward and, at Circesium, was met by a fleet of one thousand Roman vessels of war and supply. Ever opposed by his sooth-sayers, who repeatedly augured disaster, Julian pushed forward to the capital of Sapor-Ctesiphon on the Tigrispushed forward at the head of his men, taking city after city, fortress after fortress, and winning bloody battles in the van of his columns, where he displayed marvelous valor and endurance while cheering his soldiers onward. Up to the walls of Ctesipon he led his army while he floated his fleet from the Euphrates to the Tigris by Trajan's canal, an abandoned waterway which he was compelled to redig.

Up to this point Julian had advanced into Persia very much as Bonaparte was to advance into Russia during the year of 1812. The Persian hosts had remained in the dim distance. Small armies had been provided at intervals, upon which the Romans might wear their strength, and the rest had been left to the climate-a climate under which the snow-born Heruli wilted and melted. Up to this point the campaign had been successful. Now Julian won a bloody victory under the walls of Ctesiphon, and the city would doubtless have been his for the taking. Instead of capturing the great eastern capital, dazzled by the shade of Alexander, he saw only the glittering waters of India; and turning his army to the East, he burned his great fleet of provisions, and pushed out into the blight of the Asian wastes.

Speedily was he lost by his Persian guides - pretended deserters from the army of Sapor-and neither water nor food nor directions were discoverable. Speedily did he realize that aid from Procopius or Arsaces was not to be forthcoming. And just as speedily did the Lost Legions feel in force the prick of the Persian arrow and the heavy foot-fall of Sapor's charging elephants. For now the vanguard of the mighty monarch's main army neared the insolent invader, and, by sun-glare and star-glow, clouds of fleet horsemen attacked the painfully winding columns.

Amid such crucial conditions Julian appeared no whit less the

marvelous combination of energy, courage, and talent perished.

Julian's great military errors were two in number: he failed to perceive the Empire's true danger-the Gothic storm-centre in lands beyond the Danube; he failed to end a successful Persian campaign with the capture of Ctesiphon.

He possessed the dream-power of Alexander the Great and of Napoleon Bonaparte. Perhaps he shared their ability to make such dreams real had circumstance seen fit, but such ability is measured by success, even though the success he brought to pass by the ability of a lieutenant to turn defeat into victory. Witness Napoleon at Marengo-fresh from the pass of the great St. Bernard. Remove Desaix from the action and the brilliant Scourge of Europe could not have ranked martially with the brilliant young apostate, who was perhaps the Corsican's equal in organization or administration, and his superior in every motive that fashioned his actions. One, the supreme example of self-abnegation and altruism, the other the colossal example of human selfishness.

Julian was a military leader of the first rank. He was, with Libanius, the best of the Greek writers in an age of general literary decadence. He was a very clear thinker and an acute debater, though the lack of scientific basis renders many of his arguments of no force to the present-day thinker. In the heat of polemic discussion he retained a certain pure dignity, and his rare sense of humor, embittered though it was, largely prevented him from drifting into fanatic stagnation. A note of human sympathy and understanding rings through his writings, the unmistakable quality that made him beloved of his soldiers and the provincials of Gaul. In Gaul Julian had been the idol of his people; for in Gaul-to the northward—was simplicity of life. In Antioch the bearded emperor was hated and despised; for in Antioch sensuality and vice displayed themselves brazenly. Virtue was essential to Julian, and he was dear to Virtue. Display and excess were entirely out of joint with his moral law. Then why did he grow up to hate the Christian Church? Because "society had corrupted Christianity; Christianity had not made society moral." And Julian had taken his first steps

them-because they declared the unity of the Godhead, yet divided it into three parts. He considered the theory a very ridiculous error. Yet his own conception of the supreme Deity was far more complex, and to the day of scientific explanation appears puerile in the extreme. The differentiation of races is attributed by the young emperor to differentiation of national Divinity. These national gods formed a secondary council below the supreme First Cause. Thus he strives to explain Jehovah of the Jews without denying Jove of the Romans.

Julian's religion was one that offered bodily happiness-not bodily indulgence. His creed was a guide to the pilgrims on this earth; he expected nothing from the hereafter; he ignoredit. Herein Christianity and Hellenism differed cardinally; for the former regarded this life as a mere preparation for the spiritual existence to follow. Julian admired a man who died for his faith, but he could not understand why a man should court death as an article of his belief. Therefore he reviled the martyrs and saint-worship. Julian defended the Jews and upbraided the Christians, because, be said, they were neither Jews nor Hellenists. The Jews, he says, are narrow, because they consider their one little national god the sole deity of a universe; yet they are stanch monotheists. His own polytheism he places at the other extreme of the tolerance scale; for it denies salvation to no one whatsoever. The Christians, he says, profess to be an off-shoot of Judaism; yet are not monotheists. They are actually believers in polytheism; yet they are as intolerent as the Jews of all other sects. Hence, while preserving the vices of Judaism, they have preserved none of its virtues, nor have they the virtues of polytheism into which they have inadvertently fallen. To the Christians, he says: "You are like leeches. You have sucked from all sides the infected blood, and have left the pure."

The emperor was remarkably familiar with both the Old and the New Testaments, and he used texts from each with great fluency in his polemics against the Christian Church. He saw the beauty of Christian truths as laid down by the disciples: he recognized the degeneracy of the hated faith and the obscuring of those truths under a covering of golden vice. And