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POSTSCRIPT TO THE MONTH'S NEWS.

SCHOOL MASTER OFFICE, 30th March. On the evening of Tuesday the 26th, a motion was made by Mr. Robinson on a question of great national interest. It was for the appointment of a Select Committee to revise the present system of taxation with a view to the repeal of the more oppressive taxes, and of those that press most heavily upon productive industry, the deficiency of revenue to to be made up by an equitable tax upon property on a graduated scale. The motion was seconded by Mr. Warburton, and supported by Mr. Hume, Colonel Torrens, Mr. Walter, and Mr. O'Connell, on the ground that inquiry at least was called for. Mr. Harvey, Mr. Pease, the Quaker member, and others, supported, the motion; Cobbett also gave it a qualified support. It was opposed by Lord Althorp, and Mr. Poulett Thomson. Division, against the motion, 221; for it, 155; majority for Ministers, 66.

OPORTO.-Reports of a battle on the 4th, between the belligerent brothers, are confirmed. The Scotch soldiers under Major Shaw are stated to have behaved with great courage. No one seems to hope much for the cause of Don Pedro, or to care any thing.

CONDUCT OF THE SCOTTISH MEMBERS AND
CONSTITUENCIES.

THE Scottish constituencies seem determined that the
privilege they have achieved shall not fall a dead letter.
They are neither to be satisfied with virtual representation,
nor persuaded to "trust in Ministers," nor yet permit their
more manageable representatives to repose undue confidence.
«Trust in Ministers" would ere this have placed Ireland
under that system of Algerine law against which, we re-
joice to say, the most enlightened and influential of the
Scottish members have lifted up their voice. Heartily do
we congratulate the country upon the representatives o
the largest constituencies, the members for Edinburgh, Glas-
gow, Dundee, Greenock, Dumfries, and Ayrshire having
voted against that infamous clause of a bill which our li-
beral Edinburgh newspapers, the Scotsman especially, con-
tended for out and out, and must now, in common consis-
tency, lament to see pared down, tusk and claw, by its
own projectors. This single vote from these Scottish mem-
bers, and from Mr Abercromby and Mr Cutlar Fergus-
son, in particular, will at this epoch do incalculable perma-
nent good, not to Ireland merely, but to the cause of regu-
lated constitutional freedom. To Tory machinations the
people are so alert, that they will scarce be cheated from
that quarter; but the magic of the Whig name made this a
danger of the most insidious character. Now the Whig
tools will pause; the Whig dupes will reflect; and those
arch-deceivers who have tried to hood-wink their own co-

adjutors in the cabinet, and to experiment upon the gullibility and subservience of the House of Commons through the disturbances in Ireland, and under the sanction of the still high and honoured names of Grey and Althorp, will find themselves foiled, if they have not already found it.

The Scottish members who have fallen under the open censure of their constituents are all Whigs. They are Maxwell, Bannerman of Aberdeen, (a large promiser and pledger,) Colonel Leith Hay, of Banff, Admiral Fleming, Stirling, Mr Steuart, Haddington burghs, Mr. Fergusson, Kirkaldy, and indeed every member who voted against Mr. Humes motion for the abolition of sinecures.

THE MINISTRY.

THE resignation of Lord Durham, the most Enl member of the cabinet, and the adhesion, together wis lowered tone, of Mr. Stanley, who had threatened the tirement of the whole Government, if his measures wer not carried, are the only new facts we have to notice nected with the internal structure of the administratie But there are many rumours abroad; and we still look forward with hope to the retreat of that part of the Cable which is so strongly leavened with Toryism, or com servative Whiggery, that there is no chance of change in it; and to the accession of the liberality, business talent, and comprehensive knowledge of the state of the country necessary to the well-working of affairs. Reports of a coalition with the Tories we cannot credit, in connexion with the name of Earl Grey; those which meation his serious misunderstanding with Mr. Stanley, are much mere likely to be true than the rumours of Lord Grey's overtures to the Duke of Portland. It is probable, that a grand, “ agreeable surprise" is meditated at the opening of the Balest The people will be thankful for even the smallest remissing of oppressive taxation; but expectation is raised so high that the largest abatement Lord Althorp can announce must at present fall flat on the ear.

MR. ABERCROMBY.-The Scotsman thinks Mr. Abercromby's arguments against placing. Ireland under the tender mercies of military law, "flimsy, and ably answered by Mr Stanley." We have not a doubt however, that our liberal papers would have been more cautious, had they not believed that such men as Mr. George Sinclair, Mr. Catlar Fergusson, General Sharpe, and Mr. Abercromby were to Whig it out, undauntedly, like themselves, and follow Mr. Stanley's lead through thick and thin.

MR. STANLEY'S LOGIC.-"I must have Military law, a Coercive Bill-the more unconstitutional the better; for the course of justice is obstructed in freland-Jurors can not from intimidation do their duty."Jurors flock to the Kilkenny Assize." Ay!" says the Irish Secretary, "Look, there the effect of my Bill! Under the protecting shadow thrown from St. Stephen's to Kilkenny, by the bare name of my now battered Bill Jurors venture to cons boldly forth." Then won't the shadows do, Mr. Secretary (now don't be in a passion,) instead of the ugly substanc»!” "No, you scoundrel! I must have my Bill. Do you n perceive that though one half the Jurors come out under the shadow of its mighty name, the other half troop in m ly to spite me, and give the lie to my statements any way you must have your Bill, Mr. Secretary ?"— 1 will have my Bill !",

P. S. MR. GEORGE SINCLAIR'S Speech upon the Irish Coercive Bill has been accidentally omitted in our ngurt We give it briefly here.

Mr. Sinclair objected greatly to these tardy alterations. If alterations in the measure were conceived necessary the government, why were they not made when the bill w before the Lords (Hear.) They were calculated to stul tify the Lords(Hear)-and the government ought to hav weighed the matter well and thoroughly long ago,—(Ho. For his part he was opposed to the clause. He did m think that any case had been made out to justify such parture from the constitution. It was in fact this-char* for the poor, and cobwebs for the rich.

EDINBURGH Printed by and for JOHN JOHNSTONE, 19, St. James
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of Cheap Periodicals.

POLITICAL REGISTER,

AND

MONTHLY CHRONICLE OF PUBLIC EVENTS,

No. 9. VOL. II.

SCOTTISH LISTS, &c.

TUESDAY, APRIL 30, 1833. PRICE THREE HALF-PENCE.

NEWS OF THE MONTH.

tion to their Irish measure was manifested in quarters where the interests of Ireland have never THE month of April closes, leaving ministers in before been considered. The noble part which a most embarrassing situation, and the public in the Irish members had acted in the Reform strugdoubt whether Lord Grey's Government can go on, gle was remembered with gratitude; and men or if not, who is to succeed to it. Our retrospect were quick to perceive that the tampering with must be brief. In the end of March, some impor- the constitutional freedom of that country, might tant changes took place in the Cabinet. We an- be a prelusive step to the innovation of liberty in nounced the retirement of Lord Durham; the this. Every new vote has lessened the respect Privy seal which he held was given to Lord God- and influence of the Ministry, who placed themerich, who evacuated the Colonial office to make selves in the ridiculous position of opposing every way for Mr. Stanley. To the great joy of Ireland, great measure, which, as members of Opposition, and the general satisfaction of the country, this they had defended and voted for. Their want of gentleman, after having struck a deadly blow at honesty was as evident as their weakness was conthe popularity of the Government of which he is a temptible; and a sense of this was shewn in the member, was "kicked up stairs," and is now ready elections at Mary-le-bone, Gloucester, Sunderland, to do battle with the planters, or turn his arms, and Cumberland. If Sir John Hobhouse and Mr. which is quite as likely, against the friends of the Ellice succeeded at Westminster and in Coventry, immediate abolition of slavery. He is succeeded in it was from confidence in the individuals, and from no the Secretaryship of Ireland by Sir John Hobhouse, returning confidence in the Government, of which a man from whom good is augured. In the mean- they formed a part. After being on the brink of time, the Irish Bill has, after a little vapouring, ruin, for two months, the Budget has either sealed fallen almost a dead letter. The business of the their fate for ever, or will be the means of their country was impeded, the empire was distracted, restoration, according as the warning is improved. and confidence in the wisdom and honesty of Earl The announcement that there would be no relief Grey's ministry undermined, to carry a mea- from oppressive taxation; that a pitiful bit-by-bit sure which will have no other immediate effect commutation, grounded on a plan which discovered than to increase the influence of O'Connell, and great unskilfulness, or utter ignorance of business, recruit the ranks of the repealers. Ultimately, was all that the nation could either obtain or hope it may be the instrument of obtaining Poor Laws for, has been followed by a universal burst of indigfor Ireland, the foolishness of man working the nation. Was this budget the first-fruits of the Rewill of a beneficent Providence. Our summary of form Bill? Are we to be told that no substantial reParliamentary business gives a view of the most trenchment could be effected, and that the people important public events of the month. We must continue to groan under their burdens ? and is may sweepingly affirm that the late discussions it for this that the Whigs have been maintained in on flogging, the ballot, and a property-tax-power? The meeting in London shews that this feelthough nominally lost, foretell a recognition of ing, whether "treasonable" or " rebellious," is unieach of these principles at no distant day. Mr. versal; and that, on this point, it must be given way Hume has, on his second attempt in the present to. But the vote of Friday night completed the emsession, obtained at least a partial abolition of barrassment of the Government. The landed interest sinecures. The civil emancipation of the Jews contrived by a ruse, or perhaps by simply followwill be carried almost without opposition; and we ing their selfish instincts, to place the Ministry in believe that the best-informed of the Tory party a position which must either compel them to rein the House of Lords are too prudent to risk a sign, or to remodel their scheme of finance, whesecond collision with the Commons on the Church ther by retrenchment or the immediate imposition Reform Bill. There may be opposition, but it of a property-tax, to provide for the current expenwill evaporate in words, or in a few wordy protests. diture. Retrenchment at present, to the extent We intimated, in last Register, that the Whigs required, is impossible, if faith be kept with the were rapidly going down hill. A strong opposi-national creditor. A property-tax, or the tempo

rary miserable shift of a vote of credit must be the resource. Current rumours, contradic tory on most points, concur in the resignation of Lord Althorp, a step not more desirable to the country than it ought to be to the friends the country than it ought to be to the friends of that most bungling of all Finance Ministers, who might have retired a few months back with the credit of good intentions, but who is now nearly driven from office with disgrace, which should be shared with the junto of which he may prove the scape-goat. It is reported that Mr. Ellice is to succeed Lord Althorp. It is certain that a Cabinet Council was held on Saturday, where a plan of operations was formed for the following week, which, if successful, may enable the Ministry with a few partial changes to go on a little longer. It is stated that Earl Grey was so indignant at the vote on the malt tax, that he threatened to resign, but was moved from this purpose by the representations of his colleagues.

The funds have remained steadier than might have been expected, in the belief that Ministers will provide for the crisis, and remain in office, with the exception of Lord Althorp who cannot well continue longer in his present situation.

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mitted to the House,

"Its object was the establishing, as it were, experimentally, in certain districts and counties, but ultimately in all the counties and districts, after its advantages shall have been proved in the experimental districts, local jurisdictions, for the purpose of facilitating the administration of justice, and not only facilitating, but bringing it home to the door, and placing it within the pecuniary reach of every subject in the kingdom."

IRISH COERCION BILL-On Monday the 1st April the Lords got back their amended Bill. In an article in the Spectator, entitled April Fools, we find the following clever and just account of the de

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"We pitied Earl Grey and his colleagues on Monday last, when the amendments made by the Commons in the Irish Suppression Bill were presented for the sanction of the House of Peers. Never before were men driven to such shifts to extricate themselves from the embarrassment in which the necessity of supporting these amendments involved them. As it was, they did not escape from the dilemma, but were gored by both horns of it."

The Duke of Wellington, in reference to the amendment of the court-martial clause-one of those unimportant and trifling alterations by which all political offences are excluded from its operation put the question fairly enough. He said

The question they had now to decide was, whether justice could be executed or not. If it could, the country onght not to be proclaimed, and courts-martial ought not to be adopted. If justice could not be executed, then courts

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tical offences were made triable by courts martial, because jurymen dared not, or would not, do their duty. This was Earl Grey's argument, whes be brought forward the measure, and dwelt so heg and earnestly upon the impunity enjoyed by pe cal agitators. Well-is this state of things altered is the courage or honesty of Irish jurors more to be depended upon now than some weeks ago Minis ters say that it is not; and yet declare in the s breath, that the provision for the trial of politic offences, which the House of Commons has struck out of the court-martial clause, was unimportant and unnecessary. Inconsistency, to use a very mild manly conduct, which would be worthy of Earl term, can go no further. Is this the straightforward, Grey?

But let us see what Lord Brougham has to say | about this famous court-martial clause, and the amendments therein

"With reference to exempting certain offences from the jurisdiction of the courts-martial, he could not bad think those offences were well and wisely excepted. The ques difficult for jurors, and even judges, which come before our tions of combination and conspiracy were among the most courts. It would be unwise to combine the enforcement of tithes, and questions concerning it, with the jurisdiction of a court martial.”

We agree entirely with the Chancellor. Verily he speaks like a Daniel. But why did he not favour his colleagues in the Cabinet, when they were brooding over their "infernal" measure, with this sage opinion, of which he has at length been delivered? Why did he not, in his place as a Peer of the realm, as the first law authority in the kingdom, advise the possessors of hereditary power and wisdom to except "certain offences from the jurisdiction of courts-martial," whose incapacity to decide rightly respecting them he has thus solemnly affirmed? If Lord Brougham can answer this question with credit to himself, we shall be rejoiced and surprised.

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The Opposition, as might be expected, strongly objected to the adoption of that amendment which prohibits the Lord-Lieutenant from "proclaiming" a district merely because tithes were not paid therein. Earl Grey himself, indeed, seemed to dislike it as much as the Duke of Wellington. He was of opinion that "it had certainly made a great change in the operation of the bill;" and be approached it with great regret." The Duke of Wellington declared that the effect of the clause would be expressly to exclude tithes from the protection to which all other kinds of property were entitled. Lord Brougham made a joke of what is, after all, no joking matter: at least the Premier thinks it rather a serious affair. Really the union and consistency of these statesmen is very Irish

The Ministers have one powerful consolation in the midst of all this contradiction, inconsistency, and consequent loss of character. They have drawn the House of Lords through as miry a road as they have picked out for themselves. Hereditary wisdom gulped down the bill, though not without making many a wry face at it. Lords Elden, Wynford, and Ellenborough knew that they were subjecting themselves to the scorn and mockery of the nation. It is lamentable and ludicrous to hear old Lord Eldon upon this point. His heart sinks within him when he thinks of what the This statement received no intelligible reply." country papers" will say about the House of Lord Plunkett entirely shirked the question. Poli- Lords, and his voting with Ministers for this bill.

martial ought to have the power of trying those offenders

who could not be brought to trial in the ordinary course of the law. If the latter was the case, then the amendments ought not to be agreed to; if the former, the bill was unnecessary."

*

He would not stand before his country, and be abused as a man who would give up the constitution of his country, when he could say to that country, I did not consent to this bill, but on the responsibility of those who told us that Ireland could not be saved without it. If the whole people of England could be brought within a distance to hear him, he should declare to them, that he would rather suffer death than take away from the subject the right to trial by jury, and make him liable to be tried by courtsmartial, if he had not thought that such a measure was absolutely necessary for the safety and protection of the peo'ple of Ireland.”

The Duke of Buckingham said, that Lord Brougham was making " April fools" of them all; and the Duke of Buckingham spoke the truth. But what are the people of England to think of a set of hereditary legislators who allow themselves to be made" fools" of by a joking Chancellor?

On Thursday, the 16th, Lord Wynford moved the second reading of his bill for amending the common law. Its object was to lessen law expenses. The judges were in favour of it. Lords Eldon and Lyndhurst spoke against it, and it was lost. There is no business of any consequence to notice in the Upper House. The CHURCH REFORM is awaiting it.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

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PROPERTY TAX.-The fall of Mr. Robinson's motion, was noticed in last Register. It was "That a Select Committee be appointed to consider and revise our existing taxation, with a view to the repeal of those burdens which press most heavily upon productive industry, and the substitution of an equitable tax on property in lieu thereof.",, He was aware that a property-tax would press heavily upon men of landed estates; but they should recollect that they would be relieved from the Assessed Taxes and the duties on Malt and Hops. He did not consider it fair that many men who lived at club-houses and possessed large fortunes should escape direct taxation in the way they did at present. These persons generally held money in the Funds, the payment of the interest on which caused so much of the existing distress. With regard to the manner in which the property-tax should be levied

He should suggest a graduated tax of a per centage upon it on a graduated scale, so that a man with only L.200 realized property of every description. He would have a-year should not pay at the same rate with a man of L.20,000 a-year. He would not at present mention the amount of his graduated scale, lest lie should frighten the L.20,000, a-year gentlemen.

On the 25th March, Sir James Graham brought forward the navy estimates: he refuted the charges made about the state of the dock-yards, and what is as agreeable in the present temper of the public, has reduced the estimates of the year L.220,500; ''which with his former reductions makes a clear He by no means thought that if his motion were carsaving of L.1,211,417. This is exceedingly satis-ried against the Government they were bound to retire; but factory. Would that every department could make he trusted that they would find means to ease the burdens similar statements. Captain Yorke affirmed his of the country-to lessen the pressure, if not to diminish former statement, regarding deficiencies of naval the amount of taxation.

stores.208.1

.

Mr. Warburton seconded the motion.

We have noticed this lost motion at some length, as it is our confident belief that to this plan, or some modification of it, an efficient ministry, who wishes to relieve the national distress and keep faith with the public creditors, must come at last. The present men are not yet able to screw their courage to the sticking-place. 155 members supported the motion, which was lost by 221 against it. Among the members who supported it, were, Mr Hume, Col. Torrens, Mr. Walter, Mr. D. W. Harvey. In this debate, Lord Althorp thus related his experiences. When, in 1830, he supported Mr. P. Thomson's motion for a revision of taxation, he did not vote for a property-tax, which was no part of the proposition.

Sir E. Codrington believed the dock-yards to be in a better state than at any former period. In speaking of naval pensions, this gentleman said, Mr. Croker was entitled at the end of five years' service to retire with a pension of L.1,500 a-year. Now on what ground could the grant of such a large pension as that be justified; he did not think that the circumstance of that gentleman having been in the receipt of a great income when in office, was any reason for giving him a large annual allowance on his retirement. But this was not all; he found that Miss Rosamond Croker also received out of the public purse L.300 a-year. Now, he would state a case to the House, to which he begged to call their serious attention. It was the case of a At the same time, he would fairly admit, that he had lady, the sister of three distinguished officers, all of on that occasion used expressions such as those Mr. Robinwhom died while engaged in the actual service of son alluded to, and had expressed himself favourable to a their country. She was left with the children of property-tax." He knew that he had stated, that though one of her brothers to provide for, and she was also he was opposed to a property tax in 1816, yet subsequent experience taught him that it might be adopted. He obliged to contribute to the support of an aged stated then, in 1830, that this change of opinion had been father; yet not one farthing did the Government, brought about by longer experience. But since 1830, he even after repeated applications, grant to that lady, had had a great deal more experience, and experience of a in consideration of the services of her gallant rela-kind calculated to take more effect on his mind than any tions, until his present Majesty was appointed Lord experience he had had before. PitHigh Admiral, when by his kindness she was put tin possession of L.50 a year. Now he begged to put the case of this young lady in contrast with that of Miss Rosamond Croker. (Cheers.) HOLMr. Hume could see no use, for maintaining so large a naval force, and moved that there be a reduction of seamen from 27,000 to 20,000. This amendment and several others were lost.

On Wednesday the 27th, the army estimates were brought forward, when Mr. Hume again moved for

The third business of the week, ending 30th March, was the third reading of the Irish Bill, a talk on the GAME LAWS, and the introduction of a Bill by Sir Francis Vincent to amend the LAW OF LIBEL.

He proposes to do away with ex officio informations-to exempt all booksellers or publishers from penalties for inadvertently selling a libel-to leave the justice of the allegations in all cases to the sole judgment of a Jury-to repeal that part of one of

the Six Acts which compels persons publishing newspapers to enter into bonds themselves, and to find securities for good conduct with several other provisions all tending to mitigate the severity of the law.

On Monday the 1st April, an interesting debate took place in Committee on the IRISH CHURCH REFORM BILL. Sir John Hanmer considered the Bill a violation of the Coronation oath, and of the act of union; and a gross violation of the sacred rights of property. He looked forward with dread to its consequences. He did not say that it would produce a state of society such as that in which Archbishop Sharpe was murdered; but it would excite a rancorous feeling, which would grieve every man who wished well to his country.

Mr Sheil said, the argument drawn from the fifth article of the Act of Union had been relied on by Mr. Canning and refuted by Mr. Brougham.

The revenue of the church of Durham had lately been applied to the establishment of a University. Was this an ecclesiastical purpose? Had mathematics any thing to do with mysteries, algebra with theology, chemistry with the Church Establishment. Alchymy had indeed "converso in pretium Deo." This was a strong case. The consent

of the Prebends was nothing. They could not consent and bar their successors, and plunder the Corporation, if the principles of churchmen were well-founded.

He then referred to the reign of Edward the First, and the ancient history of England, in proof of his argument. There were precedents at home and abroad, in great abundance, to show, that tithes and Church lands had in all ages been diverted from strictly ecclesiastical purposes. It was the doctrine of the Scotch Church of John Knox-that the poor as well as the clergy were to be supported out of the Church property. This was one of the grand principles of the Reformation in Scotland.

What eloquent lessons does the history of that country present to statesmen, if they would open their hearts to te philosophy which teaches by example. From 1666 to 1689, what events took place! The efforts made by the Government to inflict Episcopacy on the people, who repudiated the imposition, produced disaster, bloodshed, insurrection, multifarious crime. The Covenant is sworn at Lanark -the battle of Pentland hills is fought-the Scotch are defeated-10 are hanged on the same gibbet, 35 are hanged at their own doors. Tortures follow-Macail is tormented, and dies in a paroxysm of heroism.

FACTORY CHILDREN.-On Wednesday the third, Mr. Wilson Patten moved an address to the King "for Commissioners to collect information in the manufacturing districts with respect to employment of children in factories." He denied that his object was to defeat Lord Ashley's Bill. But justice required that both sides should be heard. The evidence was partial and false. Several members supported Mr. Wilson Patten.

Mr. Fielden said he was introduced into his father's mill when he was only ten years old; that he now employed between 2,000 and 3,000 persons; and that he could, both from observation and experience, bear witness to the exhaustion which the children manifested before the work was done. He said the evidence of the medical men was confirmed by his own experience; and he would certainly support Lord Ashley's bill.

Mr. Wilson Patten's motion was ultimately carried by the bare majority of two; and Commissioners are appointed; as if it really were a matter of doubt that children of seven, eight, and ten years old should not be made to work for 12, 14, and 16

hours; and tasked till the over-worked powers of nature failed!

POOR LAWS FOR IRELAND.-Lord Althorp brought up certain documents emanating from the Poor Laws Commissioners. Mr. O'Connell said," that since he had read those documents, he felt bound to say that he must oppose the introduction of Poor Laws into Ireland. Mr. Richards, Sir E. Knatchbull, Mr. H. Grattan, and Colonel Wood, were in favour of their introduction into Ireland. Lord John Russell said, that Poor Laws, divested of the abuses which existed in their administration in England, would be advantageous to Ireland. Sir R. Peel said, the whole subject must shortly come before Parliament, and he recommended that a Commission, composed of persons of high character should be appointed to inquire into the condition of the Irish poor, and to report as to the best means of relieving them, and to declare what part of the English Poor law system might be with advantage extended to Ireland.

MILITARY FLOGGING.-On Tuesday the 2d, when the report of the Mutiny Bill was brought up, Mr. Hume moved the insertion of the following

clause:

"That it shall not be lawful to inflict corporal punishment, by flogging, on any private soldier, corporal, or nonKingdom, within the United Kingdom, any thing herein commissioned officer in the Army or Militia of the United contained to the contrary notwithstanding."

He was anxious to see whether Lord Althorp, who had voted with him on this question when out of power, would support him now. On the 15th of March 1824, he had submitted a similar proposition to the House, and was seconded by Sir Ronald Fergusson.

"He now observed many gentlemen sitting on the Ministerial benches who supported him upon that occasion. Amongst the forty-seven members who voted for the propo sition, were, Lord Althorp, Mr. Baring, Mr. Denison, Mr. Kennedy, Lord Duncannon, Mr. Lamb, Mr. Lennard, Dr. Lushington, Colonel Maberly, Mr. Phillips, Sir M. W. Ridley, Lord Stanley, and Sir J. Wrottesley; and the Tellers were Joseph Hume and J. C. Hobhouse. (Cheers and laughter.) Of course he expected all those gentlemen to vote with him upon the present occasion; but he regretted that he should not have the assistance of the late Secretary at War as teller. (Laughter.).

He quoted from the speech of Sir John, then Mr. Hobhouse, some very strong expressions condemnatory of the practice of flogging in the Army. He reminded the House that a slave in the Colonies could only receive fifteen lashes, whilst a British soldier might be subjected to 300, 500,or 1,000 lashes He also declared, that the practice of branding with gunpowder was cruel and impolitic, as tending to prevent reformation in the criminal.

Mr Lennard, Captain Berkeley, and Mr O'Connell supported the clause.

Mr. R. Graut, who had undertaken the temporary charge of the bill, could not assent to the clause, because he found that the majority of military men declared flogging to be necessary,

Lord Althorp was surprised that he should have been He formerly thought, and he thought so still, that it was one of Mr. Hume's minority on the occasion alluded to. not prudent to take away the power of inflicting that punishment from the officer. He should be acting in a way quite inconsistent with his duty if he did not oppose Mr. Hume's proposition.

Sir Francis Burdett, who has always spoken

• We notied this subject in another section of the Register

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