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porate or private, to control trade, choke competition, and fleece the citizens by false high prices will be withstood and beaten down."

If this promise is carried out, then with all its faults Tammany will do the public an inestimable service. The McKinley administration must not underestimate the deep feeling of the people on this subject; for the silver question and the tariff may be side-issues in the next campaign. If Mr. Hanna said in the Senate Committee that the Republican party had paid its debt to the trusts, and unless it had done so it would have no funds for the next campaign, the public knowledge of such a statement would defeat in 1900 any party that became sponsor for it.

Civic reform needs no educating impulse at this point. With our universities unfettered and the daily press free and intelligent, the people can be educated in the fundamentals of good government. The natural rights of man, which are life, liberty, property, and reputation, will demand a rehearing. What is true liberty? What are the rights of property? Are the trusts and monopolies of today justified in their existence or methods? Are they servants or parasites? Such questions as these will determine Presidential elections in the next century.

The majority of voters must be made to see that liberty is not freedom for the individual to think, act, and worship as he pleases, irrespective of the rights of others. To act as we please unless we please to do right is to trespass. Liberty hath its boundaries and its relations to law, otherwise it becomes license. It is not a wandering comet or the lost Pleiad, but an orderly, law-abiding planet, revolving in its own orbit, subject to the laws of the universe. The only liberty that is worthy of the name is born of bondage to truth or to law. The people need to know and to understand this momentous truth. It would seem a hopeless task when such popular and charming writers as W. D. Howells affirm that liberty is incompatible with

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poverty, that freedom involves a means of livelihood. Senator Hoar said: "God giveth to liberty nothing but victory." Mr. Howells could scarcely substitute his equivalent in such an equation and have it prove. The right to own and bequeath are corollaries of the right to life and liberty. The rights of property are now at war on the rights of man, and hence the question of property rights must again come up before the people for a careful hearing.

The duties and functions of the state must also be clearly defined, for this may yet be an issue in a political campaign. The people must know that there are a few things the state cannot do. It cannot make people honest, industrious, and thrifty, and therefore contented and happy. It cannot make men equal except before the law. It cannot bring real equality except through liberty. It cannot change the nature of things. If individualism is suppressed, it will assert itself in some new form; for, as Lieber says, "The individual stands higher than the state."

If we press the view of man in his individual aspects till we lose sight of the state, we have anarchism, a denial of the right of government. The social condition becomes at voluntary, not a natural compact, from which the individual may withdraw when he pleases, and whose obligations he may cancel at will. This is individualism gone to seed, and a Robinson Crusoe or a Selkirk are the only persons in a position to justify such a theory or enjoy its blessings.

If we press the view of man in his social aspects till we lose sight of the individual, we have socialism, a denial of the rights of the individual, an overestimate of the duties and functions of the state, an attempt to make a perfect whole out of imperfect units. A perfect social condition. demands perfect units. Falsehood and error may be simply want of perspective; and this is revealed nowhere more clearly than in the imperfect, hazy, or one-sided views of man and his relations to the state that the ignorant and

vicious members of society in these days are trying to enforce.

THE STATE

is not a voluntary compact. It is as divine in its origin as the creation or evolution of man. Its existence is not sanctioned by arbitrary fiat, by motives of convenience or of selfishness; but by the very law of man's being. Each individual is, in himself, a state in embryo.

When men associate themselves together, these state germs in the individual spring into life and the new relations create new laws. Human laws simply photograph and express these new relations and the enforcement of these laws demands government. This involves expense, and expense demands revenue. Hence the rise of the entire system of taxation. The right of the state to tax is a vital and supreme fact in its existence. Its source of life and efficiency, without which there could be no state.

INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS

are meaningless, except as the state guarantees them; for in being taxed a man gives up but a tithe, in order that what remains may have tenfold more value. Hence it is no sacrifice, but a wise investment. The ancient idea was that the individual is zero, the state is all. The New England idea reversed the equation, and made the individual everything, the state his servant. The truth must include both poles of thought.

Civic reform must come by education and evolution,— not by revolution. It does not win a game of chess to kick over the board. That is anarchy. And especially is this an important truth since we have opened the flood-gates to foreign paternalism. Upon a heterogeneous mass of foreign ignorance and prejudice we have bestowed the right of franchise without property or educational test. Without education every sort of a crazy theory will be seriously pro

posed for adoption by the people, and no theory has yet been enunciated too absurd to find advocates. Wrong notions of property, of taxation, of liberty, of the province of government, spring, full grown, from the heads of idle dreamers, like the snakes from the head of Medusa. Every kind of an eccentric motion can be found in such an intellectual workshop.

The perils of civic reform are many, but so are its beneficent results. It is said that Queen Victoria looks with apprehension on the future of America. The safety of this republic is in the intelligence and the faith of its masses who elect the legislature, create the judiciary and executive. While the will of a community, its intelligence, its ethical standards and ideals, must be sought back in the persons who comprise that community, yet the combined strength. is a social will, a public enlightenment, a public conscience, a public opinion that itself helps to shape the thought and mold the characters of the many. The logic of these is beneficient laws, Christian customs and manners, a public virtue that cannot be debauched because it is the result of accumulated private virtues.

Absolute justice must be the basis of a Christian society, and a community that is not so founded may have enlightenment, may have a form of culture, a certain type of piety even, but it is not Christian. The state is founded on justice; and if Christian faith cannot produce that in its citizens it cannot produce a benevolence that is worthy of the name, for it is synonymous with sentimentalism. It is not the duty of the state to attempt to make its citizens happy by adopting some economic theory that has never been practiced; nor by abolishing private property; nor by distributing equally to the just and unjust; nor by restricting the free play of true individualism; nor by taxing the suc cessful and the prosperous unjustly to feed the drones and the sluggards of society; nor by becoming a religious teacher

or a paternal guardian, thus relieving the individual from the necessity of personal and heroic virtues like honesty, industry, and thrift. But it is the duty of the Christian state to throw its protecting arms about the humblest and the poorest; to shield the weak from the strong; to permit any man, no matter how lowly and despised, to be the equal before the law of any other man, however rich and powerful; to see that each one has the right to labor and to enjoy the fruits of his labor, provided always that his efforts be put forth with due regard to the rights of others; to keep from starvation those who are mentally or physically unable to work; in short, to guard the individual in the possession of his natural rights. And this means that if society is between two malefactors,-organized capital that is warring on the rights of the individual, and organized labor that denies to the non-union man the right to labor, then the state must solve that problem with an iron hand, or that problem will dissolve the state.

Christianity is not simply the science of manhood and womanhood; it is the science of statehood; it is the art of social control; it is the true philosophy of government.

In its very genius, it gives free play to the highest individualism, the educated reason moved by a regenerated will; for, as Kant says: "Of all things that can possibly be conceived, one thing alone can be called perfectly good, and that is a good will." Good will is the characteristic of a good citizen because it is the keynote of civic virtue, of sound economics, clean politics, no less than of Christian faith. Hence the light of the Christian religion must now be concentrated upon social problems, and its life must be spent in the attainment of just social conditions.

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