§ 8. Adam Smith and Burke-Idea of

Historical Growth.

Adam Smith and Burke were close friends, and had much in common in their general ideas of political philosophy. The former is so well known as the destroyer of old systems, and the latter as the most thorough opponent of revolutions, that the fundamental agreement between the two thinkers may seem surprising. But Adam Smith himself is reported to have said of Burke that "he was the only man he had met with who thought as he did on the chief topics of political economy without previous communication."1 And following on the passage quoted above from the last words of Adam Smith, we find an appreciation of the historical growth of a great state which is in exact harmony with the dominant idea in Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France (published in the same year (1790) as this last edition of the Moral Sentiments). "The man," writes Adam Smith, "whose public spirit is prompted altogether by humanity and benevolence will respect the established powers and privileges even of individuals and still more those of the great orders and societies into which the state is divided. Though he should consider some of these as in some measure abusive, he will content himself with moderating what he often cannot annihilate without great

1 Burke said of the Wealth of Nations when published: "Excellent; a dry abstract of which would convey no juster idea of it than the skeleton of a departed beauty would of her form when she was alive.”—Prior's Life of Burke, p. 61 (George Bell, 1882).

violence.

He will accommodate as well as he can his public arrangements to the confirmed habits and prejudices of the people. Like Solon, when he cannot establish the best system of laws, he will endeavour to establish the best that the people can bear." 1 It may be noted in passing that Adam Smith used precisely the same expression regarding the system of Corn Laws that prevailed in his day (13 Geo. III. c. 43): "With all its imperfections we may, perhaps, say of it what was said of the laws of Solon, that though not the best in itself it is the best which the interests, prejudices, and temper of the times admit of. It may, perhaps, in due time prepare the way for a better.'

"2

Burke himself could not have attacked more vehemently "the man of system who seems to imagine that he can arrange the different members of a great society with as much ease as the hand arranges the different pieces upon a chessboard, but forgets that in the great chessboard of human society every single piece has a principle of motion of its own, and that if this is not taken account of the game of human society will go on miserably." "

Adam Smith allows that some general and even systematic idea of the perfection of policy and law may be necessary for directing the views of the statesman; but he must not insist on establishing, and establishing all at once, and in spite of all opposition, everything which that idea may seem to require.

1 Moral Sentiments, part vi. section ii. chap. ii.

2 Book IV. chap. v.

3 Moral Sentiments, loc. cit.

This insistence by Adam Smith on the growth of the nation and the constitution throws a new light on his attitude towards the system of natural liberty in general and the particular manifestation of that system in the policy of international free trade.

1

He did not expect that the freedom of trade would ever be entirely restored in Great Britain; and he thought that any approach to it should be made very gradually. "The undertaker of a great manufacture who by the home markets being suddenly laid open to the competition of foreigners should be obliged to abandon his trade would no doubt suffer very considerably.... The equitable regard, therefore, to his interest requires that changes of this kind should never be introduced suddenly, but slowly, gradually, and after long warning." And the case is still stronger if we consider the question from the point of view of the labour employed. "Humanity may in this case require that the freedom of trade should be restored only by slow gradations, and with a good deal of reserve and circumspection. Were those high duties and prohibitions taken away all at once, cheaper foreign goods of the same kind might be poured into the home market as to deprive all at once many thousands of our people of their ordinary employment and means of subsistence.' "The very bad policy of one country may render it in some measure dangerous and imprudent to establish what would otherwise be the best policy in another." This last quotation

1 Book IV. chap. ii.

2 See below, p. 171.

3 Book IV. chap. v., "Digression on Corn Laws."

refers, indeed, to a case of a special kind, namely, the danger to a small state under certain conditions of the exportation of its corn to meet the famine requirements of a larger state. But it serves to illustrate very forcibly Adam Smith's constant appeal to the idea of nationality.

§ 9. Resumé.

It is probable that if he had ever anticipated in the smallest degree the singular perversion by List, who accused him of neglect of national interests for cosmopolitan ideals, he would have made his nationalism still more prominent. But, in truth, Adam Smith took it for granted that in every country the idea of nationality was absolutely dominant. One, more instance must suffice. In discussing the general question of colonial policy he considers the case of possible abandonment safeguarded by adequate commercial treaties. He shows that this alternative has certain advantages, even from the point of view of national power and wealth. But the idea is dismissed as not even worthy of practical consideration. "The most visionary enthusiast would scarce be capable of proposing such a measure with any serious hopes at least of its ever being adopted.' "No nation ever voluntarily gave up the dominion of any province how troublesome soever it might be to govern it, and how small soever the revenue which it afforded might be in proportion to the expense which it occasioned." 2 The presentation, however, of Adam Smith's views on 1 Book IV. chap. vii.

" 1

2 Ibid.

colonial policy and imperial federation must be deferred. To understand this part of his argument account must be taken in the first place of his position on the employment of labour and the relations of labour and capital. Here again it will be found that the standpoint is unquestionably nationalist and not cosmopolitan.