to work to prepare the minds of thinking men for a republic.

In the night of the 24th of June, 1819, the movement thus prepared broke out; but it came to the fatal issue so common to first attempts of this kind. Every new faith, religious or political, which is to have apostles and zealous disciples, first requires martyrs. Five Carbonari were shot, and others condemned for life to the galleys; while some, deemed less guilty, were sentenced to ten years' imprisonment in a fortress.

After this catastrophe, the sect, having learnt prudence, changed its name, and took that of the "Latin Society."

At this very time, the association was spreading its doctrines in Lombardy, and extending its ramifications into the other States of Italy. In the midst of a ball given at Rovigo by Count Porgia, the Austrian government caused several persons to be arrested, and on the following day declared every one who should be affiliated to Carbonarism, as guilty of high treason. But the place where the movement was most active, and made the greatest progress, was Naples. Coletta affirms in his History that the members of the Society in that kingdom amounted to the enormous number of six hundred and forty-two thousand; and, according to a document in the Aulic Chancery, that number is even below the mark. The number of the Carbonari, says this paper, amounts to more than eight hundred thousand in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and neither the efforts of the police, nor any other vigilance, can check its unceasing growth; it would therefore be useless to expect to extirpate it altogether.

During the progress of this movement at Naples, political discontent was spreading in Spain, where Riego, another martyr-who left behind him a deathsong which has since become a chant of victory,raised, in January, 1820, the banner of liberty. So great was his success, in the first instance, that Ferdinand VII. issued a decree declaring that, as the will

of the people had so decidedly manifested itself, he, the king, had resolved to swear to the constitution originally proclaimed by the Cortes in 1812; his consent to which had been hitherto refused.

The release of political prisoners furnished the materials for a new ministry in Spain. Ferdinand I. of Naples, as an Infante of Spain, although himself an absolute sovereign at home, was compelled to swear obedience to the Spanish constitution. The event produced a shock like that of an earthquake in CaÎabria, in the "Capitanate," and Salerno. The Neapolitan government, weak, undecided, and suspicious, decreed a few reforms, utterly inadequate to check General Pepe's efforts in carrying out his revolutionary project, as was proved by the result, which led to the creation of a provisional government, and to the restoration of a chamber of representatives such as had been established at Naples in 1798.

Some time after this, the Piedmontese revolution broke out. On the morning of the 10th of March, captain Count Palma summoned the regiment of Genoa to arms, raising the cry of: "The King and the Spanish constitution!" The next day, a provisional government was created in the name of the " Kingdom of Italy," and it proceeded to declare war against Austria.

Thus, it happened, that the revolutionary movement, which had originated at Ancona, reached Naples, and made its way to Turin. Three volcanoes were thus opened in Italy, without reckoning that of Spain, and Lombardy was in a state of agitation enclosed within a triple line of combustion.

King Victor Emmanuel I., it will be remembered, had pledged his word to the Holy Alliance not to make any concession to his people. So when the crisis arrived, in order to remain faithful to his promise, this monarch promptly abdicated in favour of his brother Charles-Felix, then at Modena; naming as Regent the Prince de Carignan, afterwards King Charles-Albert.

This abdication of a prince who really possessed an

Italian heart, in favour of his brother, thoroughly devoted to Austria, was indeed a great misfortune for the patriots. Santa Rosa, one of the first promoters of the revolutionary movement, speaking of this event, was thus led to exclaim: "Oh that fatal night of the 13th of March, 1821, so fatal to my country, and which has cast such a gloom on us all; which has struck down so many swords raised in defence of our right, which has crushed so many fondly cherished hopes! Under Victor-Emmanuel the nationality of Piedmont was maintained: the country was identified with the king, it was personified in his loyal heart, and thus while effecting the revolution, we cheerfully exclaimed: 'Courage he will perhaps one day pardon us for having made him king over six millions of Italians !'”

But it was far otherwise with Charles-Felix: his kingdom sunk again beneath the sway of Austria, and all had to be begun again.

Hope, however, was not quite extinguished. On the 11th of March, the Prince de Carignan, displaying himself before the people in a balcony, amidst immense acclamations, proclaimed as Regent the adoption of the constitution of Spain in Piedmont.

This event at an after period was looked upon as very remarkable for Charles-Albert as King, was destined at a future day to belie his words as the Prince de Carignan. Having thus briefly glanced at the fact of the constitution having been proclaimed viva voce, we will now give the translated text of the proclamation itself, as it was placarded upon the walls of Turin :

"In the difficult position in which we are placed, it is impossible for us to confine ourselves within the narrow limits of our office as Regent; the respect and the obedience we owe to his Majesty Charles-Felix, to whom the throne has devolved, should suffice to counsel us to abstain from making any change in the fundamental laws of the kingdom, or at least to temporize until we know what are the intentions of our new sovereign; but, as the imperious nature of circum

stances is manifest, and as, on the other hand, we hold it to be our duty to deliver into the hands of the new king an orderly, united, and happy people, and not one torn and divided by the factions of civil war, we have in consequence, after deliberate consideration, decided, in accordance with the advice of our council, and in the full reliance that his Majesty, actuated by similar considerations, will crown our deliberation with his sovereign approval: we have decided, we say, that the constitution of Spain shall be promulgated and observed as the law of the State, under the modifications which, by mutual agreement, shall be introduced by the king and the national assembly."

This, then, is the result which Carbonarism had obtained five years after its establishment in Italy; first, the recognition of a constitution in Spain; next, a constitution at Naples; and finally, the proclamation of a constitution in Piedmont.

But the latter, the last born of the three, was doomed to be the first stifled.

Instead of returning to Genoa or Milan, instead of approving of, and consolidating, the liberal measures proclaimed by the Prince de Carignan, King CharlesFelix issued, on the 3rd of the following April, the following edict :

"The duty of every faithful subject being to submit willingly to the order of things which he finds established by God, and by the exercise of the sovereign authority, I declare that, holding from the Almighty alone, it is for us to choose the means we judge most suitable to effect good, and that we shall consequently no longer consider it becoming on the part of a faithful subject to murmur at the measures we may think necessary to take; we hereby publicly declare, therefore, as a rule of conduct for every one, that we shall only consider those as faithful subjects who will immediately submit to our authority; and to such submission on their part our return to our States will be made subordinate."

At the very time that King Charles-Felix was issuing this edict, so lamentably characterized by blind folly and wilfulness, he appointed a military commission charged with the duty of inquiring into the alleged offences of treason, rebellion, and insubordination that had been committed. Fortunately the principal offenders, including among them names now regarded as glorious in Piedmont, had already effected their escape.

The commission named by Charles-Felix lost no time in doing its work. Kings have been known to want executioners, but never judges. This military tribunal in five months tried a hundred and seventy-eight persons, of whom seventy-three were condemned to death and confiscation of property, and the rest to imprisonment and the galleys.

Of those condemned to death, sixty were pronounced "contumacious," for not surrendering themselves, and were hung in effigy.

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It is worth while to name a few of these men, intended victims of that besotted principle of absolute power which, since the days of Tarquin, has ever aimed its shafts at the noblest and most intelligent spirits. Comprised in the list are to be found the names of Lieutenant Pavia, Lieutenant Ansaldi, the physician Ratazzi, the engineer Appiani, the advocate Dossena, the advocate Luzzi, Captain Baronis, Count Bianco, Colonel Regis, Major Santa-Rosa, Captain Lesio, Colonel Casaglio, Major Collegno, Captain Radice, Colonel Morezzo, Prince della Cisterna, Captain Ferraso, Captain Pachiarotti, the advocate Marochetti, sub-lieutenant Anzzana, the advocate Ravina, and others. In all, there were six superior officers, thirty secondary officers, five physicians, ten advocates, and one prince; all remarkable for the gifts of intelligence, integrity, and social virtue.

Two had been arrested and executed; these were a lieutenant of carabineers, John Baptist Lanari, and Captain Giacomo Garelli. The execution of the one